Category Archives: Malawi

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Politics

NDP declares independent presidential bid: A new political era for Malawi?

Burnett Munthali

By Burnett Munthali

In a bold move that could reshape Malawi’s political landscape, the National Development Party (NDP) has announced its decision to contest the upcoming presidential election on September 16 without forming any political alliances. The party, led by President Frank Tumpale Mwenifumbo, is charting an independent course, signaling confidence in its ability to secure victory without relying on coalition support.

Mwenifumbo made the announcement during a political rally in Mzimba, where he addressed a large crowd of enthusiastic supporters. Speaking with conviction, he emphasized that NDP is not just another party seeking power but a movement prepared to transform Malawi’s governance system. He declared that his party has the vision, policies, and leadership to steer the country toward economic stability and social progress without depending on alliances with other political groups.

“We are ready to lead Malawi independently. We believe that forming alliances for the sake of gaining power often results in compromises that hinder real development. NDP wants to offer Malawians a fresh start—one where leadership is focused solely on national progress rather than political bargaining,” Mwenifumbo asserted.

His statement comes at a time when political alliances have become a defining feature of Malawian elections. The 2020 presidential election, for example, was dominated by alliances, with the Tonse Alliance bringing together several opposition parties to unseat the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). However, the subsequent years have exposed the weaknesses of such coalitions, with internal disagreements and governance challenges raising concerns about the sustainability of alliance politics.

Mwenifumbo’s decision to go solo signals confidence in his party’s ability to mobilize grassroots support and win the trust of voters without external affiliations. Political analysts believe this move could either strengthen NDP’s identity as a party of principles or pose a significant electoral challenge due to the absence of coalition backing.

The rally in Mzimba was not just about making declarations; it was a platform for unveiling key aspects of NDP’s vision for Malawi. Mwenifumbo outlined his party’s priorities, including economic empowerment, job creation, youth and women’s participation in governance, and addressing corruption. He criticized the current administration for failing to deliver on its promises, urging Malawians to give NDP a chance to introduce meaningful change.

One of the core messages of his speech was economic transformation. Mwenifumbo highlighted the struggles of ordinary Malawians, pointing to high inflation, rising unemployment, and the widening gap between the rich and the poor. He pledged that under an NDP-led government, policies would be centered on empowering local businesses, improving agricultural productivity, and ensuring that government resources benefit all Malawians rather than a privileged few.

As the September election approaches, the political environment is heating up, with parties positioning themselves for a fierce contest. While the ruling Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and opposition parties such as the DPP and UTM are expected to form or maintain alliances, NDP’s decision to stand alone sets it apart as a party willing to take a different path.

Whether this strategy will resonate with Malawian voters remains to be seen. Will the electorate embrace an independent candidate who promises uncompromised leadership, or will they lean towards the familiarity of alliance politics? As campaigns intensify, the political dynamics will become clearer, but one thing is certain—Mwenifumbo’s declaration has added a new dimension to Malawi’s electoral race.

For now, NDP supporters remain optimistic, believing that their party’s bold stance could inspire a shift in Malawian politics. As the days count down to September 16, all eyes will be on Mwenifumbo and his party to see whether they can turn their independent ambition into electoral success.

Development, Human Rights, Regional

Years after Independence, African Countries are still crawling

Maravi Post Author

By Martin MBEWE

A child’s birth is greeted with much expectation, from the parents in particular. They expect their child to be able to achieve milestones like crab-crawling, standing, eating, walking upright, and even running as they grow older.

There is a specific order to achievements like these, and these attempts at taking charge of one’s life get more complicated as a person moves towards adulthood.

If a child never gets to experience these stages in life, there would certainly be reason to start worrying.

The existence of a disability, in this case, can be a strong possibility.

A number of African nations became independent over six decades ago, shedding colonial oppression in pursuit of self-sustenance, advancement, and wealth.

Ghana, Senegal, Nigeria, Zambia, Kenya, Tanzania, DR Congo, and Sudan are some of the African nations that became independent over 60 years ago.

Malawi is set to mark the age of 61 this coming July and she still depends on foreign aid.

Turning 60 is considered elderly, someone expected to be independent, capable of making significant choices and providing for dependents.

In a world where development is expected, here we are, over sixty years later and still crawling.

What is puzzling is how so many African nations are still struggling to sustain themselves sixty years later.

Why are they still waiting for approval or financial help from their colonial rulers?

With such abundant resources: gold, oil, diamonds, and fertile land, how does a continent remain impoverished?

There is indeed reason to wonder what went wrong if someone is still dependent at 60 just as they were at birth.

Who gets to take the blame for the African case? Is it the western powers who abandoned their colonies but never really let go? Or is it us for not doing enough to break free from this cycle of dependency?

Recently, the United States President, Donald Trump, stated that he was halting foreign aid from the US to many countries, some of which are in Africa.

This decision has sparked debate because it has led to the disruption of essential programs in health, education, and food.

In Malawi, for instance, the decision has resulted in thousands of people being deprived of care which has subsequently hurt the country’s growth.

If the aid freeze is not managed properly, it does stand to reason that the progress of sustainable development in Malawi will be hindered, and simultaneously, deeper levels of poverty and inequality will be witnessed in a country that is already struggling to provide for its vulnerable population.

I agree that, while President Trump’s decision is certainly audacious, it moves us towards an unpleasant reality.

In my view, I believe this is an opportunity for African countries to reassess their self-sufficiency strategies instead of relying exclusively on aid.

There has to be a different way to approach how we take care of our problems.

Having been independent for sixty years means former colonies and developing countries in general can yield new systems, new initiatives, and seize control of their future.

Take Malaysia, Singapore, and South Korea for example. They evolved from economical imperialism into great superpowers. If they can do it, what is stopping Africa?

Is it poor leadership from those who choose to enrich themselves instead of aiding the continent? Or is it systematic corruption where money allocated to building roads, schools, or hospitals – essential infrastructure – disappears into private bank accounts?

Or is it an issue of accepting an ominous possibility that no development can be realised without foreign interference? These are pertinent questions that need to be answered.

In my view, Africa has suffered in the last sixty years due to factors such as capital flight – the illegal outflow of money by a country’s leaders and corporations to foreign banks.

This practice has drained the continent of important funds stunting economic progress and consequently worsening poverty levels.

According to a report published by the African Development Bank, Africa lost around US$2 Trillion between 1970 and 2018 due to capital flight, which is well above the continent’s external debt.

Time has come for the continent to stop relying on foreign aid.

We also need to stop blaming other civilizations for enslaving us while failing to take responsibility for our present and future.

Furthermore, we need to define what true independence is because true independence is not just political; it is economic, intellectual, and psychological.

It is about breaking free from the idea that we are “forever victims.”

A child who refuses to grow is a concern. A 60-year-old who still crawling is an absolute tragedy. Africa must ask itself: Is it ready to stand? To walk? To run?

Because the world will not wait for it forever, and sadly, may take advantage of the continent’s slow development pace. The time to rise is now.

About the author: Martin MBEWE is a Development Communications Specialist from Lilongwe, Malawi

Malawi

Malawi seeks billions of dollars from US firm over ruby sales

Ufulu

By Charles Gitonga & Andre Lombard

Malawi’s government is demanding the astonishing sum of $309bn (£245bn) in unpaid taxes and royalties from a US-based gemstone company for rubies exported from the southern African state over the last 10 years, its attorney-general has told the BBC.

Columbia Gem House, a family-owned business which says that it upholds fair trade practices, dismissed the claim as “baseless and defamatory”.

The government is also demanding $4bn from French gas giant TotalEnergies in unpaid revenue from an oil storage deal, and $9.5m from Turkish tobacco firm Star Agritech, said Attorney General Thabo Chakaka Nyirenda.

TotalEnergies declined to comment while Star Agritech denied owing any money.

The amount being claimed from the three multinationals is nearly 300 times Malawi’s national debt of around $1.2bn, and 22 times its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of $14bn.

Malawi was forced to take a $174m bailout from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) last year after running into financial trouble.

Speaking to the BBC Focus on Africa podcast, Nyirenda said that Columbia Gem House had been under-reporting the value of rubies it had exported from Malawi.

He added that “some of the evidence that we’ll be using comes from Columbia Gem House itself, such as declarations they have made in the US, and what they have reported on their website, which they have now deleted”.

“The amount is not just [for] one year, it goes over 10 years back. It also includes the interest,” Nyirenda said.

Columbia Gem House said that the government’s sums do not add up.

The $309bn claim “implies Malawi has somehow produced and exported trillions of dollars’ worth of coloured gemstones”, the firm said in a statement.

“They haven’t done this by any stretch of the imagination,” it added.

Columbia Gem House said it does not operate in Malawi, but buys its gemstones from Nyala Mines, a Malawian-owned company in which the government has a 10% stake.

However, Nyirenda told the BBC that as a minority shareholder, the government was not involved in the day-to-day management of the company, and “the name of Nyala Mines had been changed to disguise its ownership”.

An attempt by the US embassy in Malawi to settle the dispute fell through when the attorney general failed to attend an online meeting, which he put down to “technical challenges”.

Mining contributes only 1% to Malawi’s GDP, although the government has announced plans to scale this up in the next few years.

Malawian economist Wisdom Mgomezulu said the government may be making the claims now because of its financial difficulties.

“They’re looking at all potential sources of income, but if you look at the claim versus the size of the economy, it’s just way too much,” he told the BBC.

The dispute with TotalEnergies is rooted in a deal Malawi entered with it in 2001, according to Nyirenda.

The French multinational was to provide fuel to Malawi and was to get tax incentives in return, he said.

The profits from the arrangement were to have been shared equally but TotalEnergies “only paid for two years and stopped paying in 2006”, Nyirenda alleged.

The government has since taken the company to court in Malawi, and Nyirenda said the government wants it to pay $4bn to settle the matter.

As for the dispute with Star Agritech International, the government accuses it of buying three million tonnes of tobacco worth $15m from Malawi through three subsidiaries – registered in Mauritius, Hong Kong, and South Africa – in 2013, but failing to pay for it.

Malawi Leaf Company, the state-owned enterprise that sold the tobacco, took legal action in Hong Kong and won the case, Nyirenda said.

“Over $9.5m was proven in a Hong Kong court,” he said, adding that Malawi wanted Star Agritech International to pay the amount.

He further alleged that the Hong Kong subsidiary of Star Agritech International was established “for the sole purpose of obtaining the tobacco from Malawi”.

In response, Star Agritech International told the BBC that it purchased tobacco worth $5m – not $15m as Malawi claims.

“This is completely wrong and is representative of the type of problems businesses face in dealing in Africa,” said the company’s boss, Iqbal Lambat.

Mr Lambat further claimed that the tobacco shipped was substandard.

“This transaction experienced difficulties as the tobaccos were not one uniform grade but a combination of leftover scrappy tobaccos,” he said.

Malawi is not the only African country that is going after money they say multinational companies owe them.

Last week Mali’s military junta issued an international arrest warrant for Canadian mining firm Barrick Gold’s chief executive officer, alleging the company owes the West African state $500m.

Barrick has responded by threatening to suspend operations in Mali, adding that “local operating conditions have deteriorated significantly with employees imprisoned without cause and gold shipments blocked”.

And in November the junta released the head and two employees of an Australian mining company, Resolute Mining, after a $160m tax dispute was settled.

The firm paid half the money upfront, with a promise to pay the other half in the coming months.

Source BBC

Malawi, Politics

Road to September 16: CSEIF unhappy with voters’ number decline

Lloyd M’bwana

……Malawi’s Democracy in Peril: Declining Voter Interest Demands Urgent Action

LILONGWE-(MaraviPost)-The country’s Civil Society Elections Integrity Forum (CSEIF) is unhappy with the sharp decline in voter registration.

The concern comes barely a day after Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) released number of possible voters for September 16, 2025 elections.

According to MEC release on February 6, the projected number of registered voters was 10.9 million, yet only 7,200,905 (65.7%) have registered—a significant drop from previous elections.

In contrast, 80% registered in 2019, and 93.2% in 2014. Even during supplementary registration, only 24,078 people registered out of a targeted 271,784.

In a press statement issued on Friday, September 7, 2025, CSEIF Interim Chairperson Benedicto Kondowe observes that the current trend is alarming and threatens Malawi’s democracy.

“Voter apathy is not accidental; it is a direct reflection of the growing disillusionment among Malawians who feel betrayed by politicians who fail to deliver on their promises.

“Additionally, it is disheartening that some political parties actively discouraged voter registration—a reckless act that undermines the democratic process,” reads CSEIF statement in part.

Kondowe urges, “Political parties must own up to their role in this crisis instead of shifting blame solely to MEC. Another critical factor is the lack of adequate voter and civic education.

“Many accredited NGOs and other civic actors do not have funding for these crucial programs, leaving millions uninformed about the importance of participating in elections”.

CSEIF observes further, “If this challenge is not urgently addressed, we risk an even lower voter turnout on polling day.

“CSEIF calls for urgent and intensified awareness campaigns to ensure that the majority of registered voters turn out and vote on 16 September 2025”.

He added, “The challenge now is to restore faith in the electoral process and inspire Malawians to exercise their constitutional right”.

CSEIF appeals, “We call upon political parties, civil society, religious leaders, and all stakeholders to work together with MEC in rebuilding public confidence in elections.

“Malawi’s democracy is at stake.The 2025 elections must not be decided by apathy, but by the will of the people”.

Health

Dire health and humanitarian crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo prompts escalation of efforts by WHO, partners

Maravi Post Reporter

The recent surge in violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo has led to significant loss of life, trauma, displacement, and the destruction of critical health infrastructure, exacerbating an already dire situation for millions of people.

The situation remains tense and volatile, and the health needs are immense. WHO remains on the ground, and has continued to respond to the health needs by providing lifesaving medical supplies, supporting health workers, and coordinating the emergency response.

Hospitals and morgues are overwhelmed. Since 26 January, 3082 injured and 843 dead have been reported from 31 health facilities in and around Goma, North Kivu.

With the alarming expansion of violence further south, 65 injuries were reported from 3 hospitals in South Kivu.

These numbers are expected to rise further as more injured people are able to reach health facilities and more dead bodies are gathered off the streets. Wound infections are a risk for those who have not been able to reach health care facilities quickly, and as health facilities are running out of supplies they need to clean and disinfect.

The sight of bodies lying uncared for is distressing. Though the bodies of people who have died from injury do not generally carry or spread disease, it is the right of the dead to be identified and receive proper burial, and important for the living to know their loved ones have received this care.  

Over 70 (or 6%) of the health facilities in North Kivu have been affected, with some completely destroyed and others struggling to restart operations. Some ambulances have also been damaged. A WHO-supported health clinic in North Kivu was temporarily occupied by armed groups. Health workers have had to flee in places, while in others, they have been working round the clock for days, with limited resources and overwhelming demand, and sometimes at risk to their own lives.

Cancer, diabetes, hypertension, mental health and other routine services are also affected as medicines have run out and health workers are either absent or overburdened.

The risk of death during pregnancy and childbirth has increased from already high levels. Given the insecurity, pregnant women cannot reach health facilities for safe delivery. Experience with conflict in the region has shown the drastic effect it has, with the rate of births attended to by skilled health workers dropping to near zero during periods of intense violence.

The threat of infectious diseases has multiplied. Cholera, malaria, measles, meningitis, mpox and tuberculosis are among the infectious threats in the area. The water supply in Goma was disrupted and has only partially resumed, leading people to use water from the lake, and heightening the risk of cholera spread. Close to 600 suspected cases of cholera and 14 deaths were reported from North Kivu between 1 and 27 January.

Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, especially South Kivu province, is the epicentre of the mpox outbreak that prompted the WHO Director-General to declare a public health emergency of international concern last August. The mpox response is heavily impacted. Ninety percent of the mpox patients (128 of 143) in isolation units in Goma had fled for safety, making it nearly impossible to provide them with care, and increasing the risk of spread.

One in four people in the region was already facing emergency levels of hunger, with the recent violence expected to worsen the situation. Malnutrition and disease go hand-in-hand: malnourished people are less able to fight disease, while disease leads to further malnutrition. This vicious circle is especially concerning when it comes to children, and pregnant and breastfeeding women.

Goma was home to over 2 million people, including 700 000 people displaced by this crisis. These people have had to flee yet again, in search of safety. They are in temporary settlements, with their health and safety at risk.

A rapid assessment of 10 healthcare facilities in and around Goma showed a concerning rise in rape and other gender-based violence: there were 45 cases reported among the displaced, and 21 survivors of gang-rape admitted to two hospitals. These numbers are only the tip of the iceberg. These patients require medical care, psychological support, and support with maintaining their livelihood, especially when they are the sole providers for their families.

WHO has deployed emergency medical supplies, hygiene and water treatment supplies, and tents to increase hospital capacity by 1000 beds. Supplies are being depleted rapidly, and more resources are urgently needed.

WHO is preparing further deliveries as part a European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (ECHO)-led effort to fly in critical supplies. For this, the Goma airport, a critical lifeline, must be urgently reopened. WHO is also exploring options to deliver critical supplies through other routes.

WHO and partners were able to resume mpox vaccination in Goma on Wednesday, 5 February after a 10 day pause.

The United States’ recent decision to freeze foreign aid is significantly impacting relief efforts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Last year, the US contributed to as much as 70% of the country’s humanitarian response. Additionally, the US is a major funder of the mpox response, and has pledged a million vaccine doses of its own stock to global efforts. While WHO’s humanitarian response in the region relies on funding from other donors—including the European Union, United Kingdom and the WHO’s Contingency Fund for Emergencies—reductions in overall aid will have repercussions on people’s health.

To meet immediate health needs in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, including for safe and dignified burials, WHO has spent US$ 600 000. The overall response requires US$ 50 million.

WHO calls for humanitarian access, the protection of health workers and facilities, and an end to attacks on health care. Health facilities, supplies, workers and patients should be protected. Ultimately, we call for peace, and an end to the unimaginable and long suffering of the people in this region.

Sourced from WHO

Opinion, Politics

“Dr Kabambe must lead UTM/DPP alliance or go sole, other wise it’s gona be Chisale, APM wife Gertrude to run show of the state”-warns Allan Ngumuya

MaraviPost

This is an open letter from Allan Ngumuya to entire UTM leadership to go sole in the forthcoming general elections, September 16, 2025.

Here is the full open letter from Ngumuya to UTM….

I would first like to remind you that some few weeks back, I had written my opinion that we must have an alliance with DPP. I was totally wrong and I would like to withdraw that intention 180 degrees.

After hearing other people’s views and concerns, After hearing people like Mr Sam Lwara, After hearing Papa P, even some DPP members came to my inbox and say that, they are not happy with the future of DPP, a lot told me openly that, it is not APM who is going to be ruling if DPP win, they know that it is His Wife, It will be Chisale, It will be Mukhitho, it will be Chaponda, Chipungu and Mphepo.

They told me that if my mind is thinking that DK can be respected differently if he could be become the alliance VP, then I am wrong. We will regret again and even worse. Now, Using my six senses, I have come to agree with each one of you who is against this alliance and I can stand with you 100%.

The main question is that, what is it that APM can bring or offer amalawi? Munthuyu wakula ndithu, anthu omuzungulirawo ndi amene akungofuna kuousitsa a Malawi because they want to use his beit ya carrot 🥕 when they win ndithu tidzalira ka chitatu pyooooo!!! The only thing you can hear him saying is, mwanyatu eti ? Mwalapatu eti ? Mwaona kuti munalakwisa ?

Ndinakuuzanitu eti? Mwandisowatu eti ? etc. without even explaining any solution on how he is going to rescue the country economically.

He has no solution or whatsoever, completely zero solution. Let us not forget that we removed DPP because they never loved or want SKC never. So what makes us think that they can treat DK with respect?????? Pamenepo ! Tiganizire mozama otherwise tidzalira koopsya.

The condition is LET THEM COME TO US AND WE GIVE THEM OUR CONDITIONS” it’s gonna be up to them to take it or leave it or let’s go solo.

When we hear of MCP and Chakwera, it’s even worse, all you can hear from him is that “ timayamba taongola mafupa, timafinya kaye zithupsya, zoona koma ? nothing, completely zero solution again.

They have failed us 100%, look and think of thumba la chimanga pomwe lafika mtengo wake K85,000 , reality? Za ma groceries ndiye ndisanene, aliyense akudziwa kale. Kuba, katangale ndi ziphuphu ndiye ndi zosayamba.

Anthu alemera mwachangu , mu 4years zokha koma zonse kuwathekera. He had actually said if he fail to develop and change people’s lives to a better way of living, he will resign.

Now it’s his 6th year and he has failed Malawians big time. Even a Chewa amene, they are mad at him. Panopo because of his selfishness kudana ndi a ku KASUNGU, there is a fight between Kasungu , Lilongwe, Dowa and Dedza.

Within MCP and they have told me that it’s even worse because there is a war of who is going to be the running mate in MCP ? Trust me some guys in MCP told be that MCP is afraid of UTM, no wonder they tried to destroy it through the vice president.

This is the same scenario with DPP. There is Madala Madala team ya APM invisibility or orchestrated by the wife and Chisale and there is ya chinyamata yomwe yangoti duuuuuu ! Kuwopa kukhapidwa ndi mpeni osathwa.

This group majority is for DK. The good thing after I gathered and talked to both sides but separately, they are telling me openly that they will vote for DK and they will campaign for DK.

Finally, I have come to believe that it is only DR Dalitso Kabambe who has a plan and a clear solution towards the problems that Malawi has. Only DK who has the understanding of knowing what to do due to the past experience that he has applied under Bingu and under APM.

Conclusion: UTM ! Let us go on our own and I agree with Samuel Lwara and Papa P ndi onse amene ali in support of our vision as UTM. Kaya tikagwa tikagwe but God will be with us.

I believe with DK everything is going to be alright. God bless UTM, God bless everyone and God bless Malawi.

Human Rights

Witch hunts and Gender-Based Violence in Kano

Leo Igwe

By Leo Igwe

The Advocacy for Alleged Witches welcomes the sentencing of five men for murdering an alleged witch, Ms Abubakar, in Kano in 2023. The five men were sentenced to death. Although the Advocacy for Alleged Witches does not support the death penalty the conviction of these men is a significant development in the fight against abuses linked to witchcraft beliefs and ritual attacks in the country. According to the report, the wife of one of those sentenced, Yahaya, was ill and accused Ms Abubakar of appearing in her dream, and of pursuing her holding a knife. Yahaya led a mob that confronted Ms Abubakar while she was on the farm. The mob beat and stabbed her to death. As in many cases of witch persecution and murder, this tragic incident took place in a rural community. And in rural areas, witch murderers often get away with their crimes. But in this case, they did not. Kano state authorities must be commended for ensuring that justice is done. But we must redouble efforts and ensure that people are accused.

Meanwhile, the Advocacy for Alleged Witches contacted the office of the National Human Rights Commission in Kano and the state coordinator confirmed the story. AfAW and the NHRC office are trying to reach the family of the victim to provide some psycho-social support. AfAW reiterates that dreams are not evidence of witchcraft as popularly believed. People seen in dreams are not witches or those who try to bewitch someone. Pastors and prophets, marabous and diviners peddle these misconceptions about dreams. They spread misinformation and disinformation about the causes of sickness, death, and other misfortunes. Religious leaders who propagate superstitious fears and anxieties, lies and falsehoods are charlatans. They aid and abet these heinous crimes and should be held responsible and made accountable.

In a related development, the NHRC office in Kano has drawn attention to the case of a 73-year-old woman, Hadiza. She is from Gidan Yaya Mai Daddawa, Bakin Hurumi, Bichi LGA, in Kano. Her cousin, Ma’u, and the village head of Tofawa accused her of being a witch and causing bad luck and sickness in the community. In her statement to the commission, Hadiza denied the allegations, she claimed that they denied her inheritance including her hard-earned money. Family and community members defamed her. They did not give her access to the family land located at Gidan Yaya Mai Daddawa, Bakin Hurumi. She also alleged that she often deposits the sum of N6,000 on a weekly basis to Ma’u as savings for three (3) months which amounts to the sum of N72,000. She further alleged that Ma’u collected three (3) measures of cassava from her but paid N4,000 only. AfAW is in touch with Hadiza through the office of the National Human Rights Commission in Kano.

AfAW has sent Hadiza a hundred thousand (100,000) naira to help her start a business while efforts will be made to reconcile her with her relatives. AfAW believes that female education and empowerment are critical to ending witchcraft accusation and witch persecution. AfAW is working with the Kano office of the NHRC to organize a public education program to sensitize, raise awareness, and help reorient minds. Witch hunting is motivated by fear and ignorance of the causes of diseases and other misfortunes. Witchcraft accusers need education and enlightenment. Witch hunt is a form of gender-based violence. As the cases from Kano have illustrated, victims are predominantly women. AfAW will work with the NHRC office to combat this violence nationwide. 

Leo Igwe directs the Advocacy for Alleged Witches.

Health

US aid funding cuts put HIV prevention at risk, warns UNAIDS

Maravi Post Reporter

The waiver allows the continuation or resumption of “life-saving humanitarian assistance” including HIV treatment.

That means 20 million people living with HIV and whose medication is funded by the US can continue to receive treatment. “That’s 20 million out of the 30 million people living with HIV in the world,” said Christine Stegling, Deputy Executive Director of UNAIDS, at scheduled press briefing in Geneva.

Although it is expected that governments around the world will respond to the US announcement by supporting existing medication plans, “what we’re really concerned about is that…governments will focus right now on keeping people on treatment rather than preventing new infections” she explained.

The HIV global response is heavily dependent on funds from the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR); it finances 70 per cent of the overall AIDS response.

Since its creation in 2003, PEPFAR has saved more than 26 million lives by investing in critical HIV prevention, treatment, care and support programmes in 55 countries, according to UNAIDS.

Nevertheless, “there is a lot of confusion on the ground especially at the community level on how the waiver will be implemented”, Ms. Stegling reported, pointing to disruption of treatment services.

Transport services and community health workers are also still impacted by the US funding pause, according to UNAIDS.

Drop-in centres at risk

The agency – which works with 70 countries – highlighted that the pause in US assistance to community programmes would lead to the closure of many drop-in health centres and the termination of outreach workers’ contracts, effectively depriving vulnerable groups of support.

The biggest interruption will be to community health services which have been crucial in the success of the fight against HIV, according to UNAIDS.

In Ethiopia, 5,000 public health worker contracts depend on US assistance. “All of these, in all regions of Ethiopia, have been terminated, as well as 10,000 data clerks, very important in Ethiopia”, added Ms. Stegling.

Critical services cut

Thousands of individuals – women, young girls, and priority populations at higher risk of sexually transmitted infections – will no longer be able to access critical services, such as condom distribution, HIV testing, antiretroviral treatment, pre-exposure prophylaxis for HIV prevention, screenings for tuberculosis or support to address gender-based violence.

UNAIDS is most concerned about the long-term impact of the US funding freeze on prevention of new HIV infections as most services community-based, while national governments tend to focus on keeping people on treatment, rather than preventing new infections.

Fear over spike in AIDS deaths

If PEPFAR is not re-authorized between 2025 and 2029 and other resources are not found for the HIV response, “there would be a 400 per cent increase in AIDS death”, UNAIDS said. “That’s 6.3 million people, 6.3 million AIDS related deaths that will occur in the future”, Ms. Stegling told journalists.

UNAIDS says it will continue efforts to ensure that during the 90-day pause, all people affected by HIV continue to access life-saving services. 

UN Health News

Human Rights

Tshisekedi’s security struggles: Sixth advisor appointed in six years

MaraviPost

By Twink Jones Gadama

Democratic Republic of Congo President Félix Tshisekedi’s management of the country’s security has been marred by constant changes to his security staff. The latest development saw the appointment of Eberande Kolongole as his new security advisor, replacing Prof. Jean-Louis Esambo, who was fired after the North Kivu region fell to the AFC/M23 forces.

This marks the sixth security advisor appointed by Tshisekedi in just six years, during which the country has plunged into one of its worst security situations. The frequent changes have raised concerns about Tshisekedi’s ability to address the country’s security challenges.

Tshisekedi’s choice of staff has been questionable, to say the least. One notable example is the appointment of Bifort Biselele, a close friend of the president, who was later dismissed after leaking his own obscene videos. Other notable mistakes include the dismissals of François Beya and Prof. Jean-Louis Esambo, whose advice Tshisekedi seemed unable to heed.

François Beya’s dismissal in 2022 was particularly telling, as he was let go for criticizing Tshisekedi’s priorities. Beya had suggested that the president was more concerned with his luxurious pleasures than with fulfilling his duties. This criticism seems to have been proven correct, as Tshisekedi continues to struggle with the country’s security.

Tshisekedi’s approach to security has been characterized by a preference for replacing advisors rather than learning from their expertise. This has resulted in a lack of continuity and a failure to address the underlying issues driving the country’s security challenges.

The situation in the DRC is complex, with multiple armed groups operating in the eastern regions. The country’s security forces have been accused of human rights abuses, and the government has struggled to provide basic services to its citizens.

In this context, Tshisekedi’s appointment of a new security advisor is unlikely to bring about significant change. Instead, it may be seen as another attempt to shift the blame for the country’s security failures.

As the DRC continues to grapple with its security challenges, it is clear that a more comprehensive approach is needed. This must involve addressing the root causes of the conflict, including poverty, inequality, and political instability. Until then, the country’s security situation is unlikely to improve.

Human Rights, Law and order

Legal Aid’ prison clinics offer freedom to 35 remandees

MaraviPost

LILONGWE-(MaraviPost)-Legal aid clinics that selected Malawi Legal Aid Bureau (MLAB) officers are conducting in the central region have seen over 35 homicide remandees granted bail and others discharged from prison.

The clinics involve visiting prisons within the central region, taking statements from remandees, and representing them in Court to apply for either bail or discharge applications.

A focus is placed on those who have no sufficient means of hiring a private lawyer, have overstayed on remand, and do not have means to physically reach the Bureau’s offices.

Files that have so far been handled indicate that some individuals were arrested as far back as 2013 and have had their cases stalled.

One of the officers spearheading the initiative, Senior Legal Aid Advocate Ruth Harawa, points out that the task of the team is to help in the continued efforts of decongesting prisons by going over and above their daily routines

“Most of our clients visit us in our offices but others who are in dire need of our assistance are in custody with no idea of where and how to procure such assistance.

“We also know that congestion in prisons is mostly due to the indigent, thus we decided to follow them and make ourselves available to assist them,” added Harawa.

Alex Phaso Gandaganda is one of the latest clients to be discharged from Maula Prison after staying there for over a year on suspicion that he was involved in the death of his father.

When his case was taken to Court for a bail application, it was discovered that there was no direct evidence to suggest that he was involved in the death of his father.

He was arrested merely because he was among the people known to have spoken to the deceased on the phone before his death.

During the time he was at Maula Prison, his relatives eagerly wanted to help him out but had no idea of how and where they could find assistance.

The LAB team of advocates and assistants has so far reached 77 homicide remandees in Maula and Ntchisi prisons.

The team is currently working on expanding the clinics to all the prisons in the central region and other cases beyond homicide.

Source: Malawi Legal Aid Bureau (MLAB) Communication Desk