“Chakwera pardoned me because I was innocent” Mpinganjira speaks out

BLANTYRE-(MaraviPost)-Businessman Thomson Mpinganjira has broken his silence following his release from prison, claiming that President Lazarus Chakwera granted him a pardon after realizing that he did not bribe judges as previously ruled by the courts.

Mpinganjira, who was convicted in 2021 for attempting to influence judges during a high profile election case, maintains that he was wrongly accused and that the truth eventually came to light.

His remarks, captured in a circulating video, have reignited debate over one of Malawi’s most sensitive legal and political cases.

The case in question stems from the aftermath of the disputed 2019 presidential elections, which were later nullified by the Constitutional Court.

At the time, Mpinganjira was found guilty of attempting to bribe judges who were presiding over the matter, a ruling that led to his imprisonment.

However, speaking confidently in the public, Mpinganjira insists that he never engaged in any act of bribery.

He suggests that the evidence used against him was misinterpreted and that his actions were taken out of context during a highly charged political period.

According to Mpinganjira, President Chakwera carefully reviewed his case before granting the pardon.

He claims the Head of State reached a personal conviction that the businessman had been unfairly treated, ultimately leading to his release.

The presidential pardon, granted in 2025, effectively ended Mpinganjira’s prison sentence.

While such pardons are within the powers of the President, they often attract public scrutiny, especially in cases involving serious convictions and national interest.

Mpinganjira’s latest claims are likely to stir fresh controversy, as they appear to challenge the credibility of the judiciary, which had earlier found him guilty beyond reasonable doubt.

Legal experts argue that a pardon does not necessarily overturn a conviction but rather forgives the punishment.

Critics of the decision may view Mpinganjira’s statement as an attempt to rewrite the narrative surrounding his conviction.

They maintain that the court process was thorough and that the ruling should be respected regardless of the pardon.

On the other hand, some members of the public may sympathize with Mpinganjira’s position, especially if they believe that political dynamics influenced the original case.

His remarks could strengthen calls for a deeper review of how high profile cases are handled in Malawi.

The development places renewed focus on the delicate balance between the executive and the judiciary.

It raises important questions about the extent to which presidential powers should be exercised in matters that have already been concluded by the courts.

Voyage to the Moon: A visual journey through Artemis II and beyond

NEW YORK-(MaraviPost)-The Artemis II mission is set to take humanity on a thrilling journey to the Moon, marking a significant milestone in space exploration.

The mission, scheduled to launch in 2024, will see a crew of four astronauts – Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, Christina Hammock Koch, and Jeremy Hansen – embark on a 10-day journey to the Moon.

This mission is a crucial step towards establishing a sustainable human presence on the Moon, with the ultimate goal of sending humans to Mars.

The Artemis II crew will be the first to test the spacecraft’s systems, including life support, communication, and navigation, in preparation for future lunar landings.

The mission is a testament to human ingenuity and determination, pushing the boundaries of what is possible in space exploration.

The visual guide below takes a look at the Artemis II mission and previous missions to the Moon, highlighting key milestones and achievements.

The Apollo 11 mission, which took place on July 20, 1969, marked the first time humans set foot on the Moon.

Neil Armstrong’s iconic words, “That’s one small step for man, one giant leap for mankind,” captured the moment, with Armstrong becoming the first person to set foot on the lunar surface.

The Apollo missions paved the way for future lunar exploration, with the last mission, Apollo 17, taking place in December 1972.

The missions provided valuable insights into the Moon’s geology, atmosphere, and potential resources.

The Artemis program, announced in 2019, aims to return humans to the Moon by 2025, with the goal of establishing a sustainable presence on the lunar surface.

The program includes plans for a lunar gateway, a space station in orbit around the Moon, and a human landing system.

Artemis II is a critical step towards achieving these goals, with the mission’s success paving the way for future crewed missions to the Moon and beyond.

The visual guide highlights key aspects of the mission, including the spacecraft, crew, and mission objectives.

The mission’s success will depend on the collaboration of thousands of scientists, engineers, and experts from around the world, working together to push the boundaries of space exploration.

The stakes are high, but the potential rewards are immense, with the Moon holding secrets to the universe and the potential for new resources and discoveries.

As the world watches the Artemis II mission unfold, it is clear that humanity is on the cusp of a new era in space exploration.

With the Moon as our stepping stone, the possibilities are endless, and the future is bright.

A scramble for popularity opens a can of worms for Tamia Ja, Kamangila, Chigoba Bakili Muluzi TV

In recent days, there have been several confrontational remarks made by prominent figures, including Tamia Ja, Alexious Kamangila, and Bakili Muluzi TV. It is quite intriguing to observe this trend.

Tamia is a content creator on various social media platforms, with a focus on addressing social and economic issues, particularly scandals involving high-profile individuals.

Alexious Kamangila is an esteemed legal professional who received his formal education at Chancellor College, the University of Malawi.

Prior to pursuing his PhD at the University of Galway in Ireland, he held positions at several private companies, including Mbeta Associates.

Additionally, he worked as a legal advocate, representing disadvantaged clients in a variety of legal matters.

Alex has gained recognition on his Facebook page for uncovering instances of corruption in the judiciary and other government organizations, in order to advance the battle against this vice.

As an example, he previously labeled Judges Chikopa and Manda as corrupt judges.

Chigoba Bakili Muluzi TV (BMV) is a channel run by an anonymous individual, focused on delivering political and historical information to the public.

When ex-President Bakili Muluzi disassociated himself from Bakili Muluzi TV, it became evident that he had no ties to this channel.

There is a belief that BMV was instrumental in removing the Chakwera administration from office by highlighting instances of poor governance and promoting the agenda of the Democratic Progressive Party.

Although they have varying goals, the trio remains widely favored by numerous people in Malawi.

Recently, there has been a back-and-forth exchange of words among Jamia, Kamangila and BMV regarding their efforts to establish themselves as the most popular.

Regrettably, this exchange of words has put the trio in a vulnerable position where they have disclosed their personal and private matters.

In the midst of their conversation, it was revealed that Kamangila had gotten his maid pregnant and they now have a child together. As a result, their official marriage came to an end. Kamangila has not denied this accusation.

In trying to tarnish Kamangila’s image, it was observed that Kamangila ran away from Malawi from a perjury case to Ireland where it is also alleged that he impregnated his senior.

In response, Kamangila dismissed the BMV accusations by implying that his education level is subpar due to his inadequate proficiency in English.

This situation has now become intriguing as Kamangila continues to criticize Tamia for allegedly accepting bribes from influential figures like Mpinganjira and Bushiri in order to create her content

Observing this, Kamangila could potentially delve deeper into exposing her true self. However, Tamia countered by disclosing that she is not a virgin and has a child. She then shared that she has embraced her identity as a lesbian and is financially stable.

The recent trend of exchanging insults has caused confusion among followers. In reality, these followers are not interested in the personal scandals of celebrities.

In a nutshell, the trio is recommended to cease exchanging offensive remarks, and instead focus on delivering their message objectively without personal attacks.

When timelines collapse: Serious questions over Shepherd Bushiri’s claims against Peter Sambo…Who is lying?

By Falles Kamanga

BLANTYRE-(MaraviPost)-In a recent Times interview, Prophet Shepherd Bushiri alleged that his former employee, Peter Sambo, was dismissed from his ministry for allegedly plotting to kidnap his two daughters Raphaella Bushiri and the late Israella Bushiri. Sambo was replaced by Kelvin Sulugwe.

The claim, dramatic and emotional in nature, suggests a deep internal betrayal within the Prophet’s inner circle. Yet, when tested against verifiable timelines, public records, and widely reported events in Malawi and South Africa, serious inconsistencies emerge.

Shepherd Bushiri relocated from Malawi to South Africa in 2015 to lead his Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG) ministry in Pretoria. At that time, Israella Bushiri, his first daughter, was about two to 3 years old, while Raphaella had not yet been born.

Available accounts indicate that Peter Sambo left Bushiri’s ministry around July 2016, roughly two to three months before Raphaella’s birth in September or October 2016.

This raises a crucial question: if Sambo had already left the ministry before Raphaella existed, then which children were allegedly under threat at the time of his dismissal? Only Israella was alive at that point. Any suggestion that both daughters were simultaneously at risk contradicts the verifiable timeline and undermines the narrative of an ongoing kidnapping threat linked to Sambo.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝟐𝟎𝟏𝟖 𝐌𝐚𝐥𝐚𝐰𝐢 𝐑𝐞𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐧: 𝐏𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜𝐥𝐲 𝐏𝐫𝐞𝐬𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐚𝐬 𝐋𝐨𝐯𝐞, 𝐍𝐨𝐭 𝐅𝐞𝐚𝐫

In March 2018, Bushiri publicly announced that his children would be relocated to Malawi. The move was framed as an expression of love for the country and confidence in its systems, not as a response to an active threat.

Yet, later claims suggest that even after the relocation, Sambo allegedly continued plotting their abduction. If the threat were real and immediate, why was the relocation presented as symbolic rather than urgent and security-driven?

During the same period, reports emerged of Bushiri transporting high-value assets including luxury vehicles such as Bentleys, Rolls-Royces, Maseratis, and Mercedes-Benz G-Wagons from South Africa to Malawi.

Observers interpreted this as part of a broader strategic repositioning, further challenging the narrative of an immediate, active kidnapping threat.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐁𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐲𝐫𝐞 𝐀𝐢𝐫𝐩𝐨𝐫𝐭 𝐈𝐧𝐜𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐧𝐭:

Another major claim repeated in the interview is that South African nationals were intercepted at Blantyre Airport, allegedly linked to a kidnapping plot involving Bushiri’s children and coordinated with Peter Sambo.

However, alternative accounts exist in public reporting. In a widely covered episode, South African journalist Ntombizodwa Patience Makhoba, working for City Press, was detained at Blantyre Airport while attempting to enter Malawi on a reporting assignment. Authorities cited entry document issues, and she was later deported on the same flight she arrived on. Media coverage detailed her ordeal, including time spent in custody before deportation.

Looking at Makhoba’s profile and picture and public reporting work, she does not fit the image of someone who could plausibly carry out a kidnapping. Her professional role as a journalist, as well as her public presence and demeanor, do not suggest involvement in criminal abduction activities

The competing narratives create a critical gap. One version frames the incident as a foiled kidnapping plot targeting the Bushiri children. Another frames it as a blocked journalistic investigation by a reporter trying to cover the Bushiri story. Both cannot simultaneously stand as uncontested fact, yet in public retellings, the kidnapping angle has often been elevated while the documented journalist account is less emphasized.

The Persistent Return to Peter Sambo
Perhaps the most striking element in this matter is the persistence of Peter Sambo’s name.

More than a decade after his reported departure from Bushiri’s ministry, his name continues to appear in serious allegations involving child abduction plots, foreign operatives, and security threats spanning Malawi and South Africa. Yet the supporting timeline, when laid out clearly, repeatedly raises inconsistencies in dates, roles, and sequence of events.

Why does a dismissed employee from years ago continue to be positioned at the center of such grave allegations, despite timelines that do not consistently support the narrative?

𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐜𝐥𝐮𝐬𝐢𝐨𝐧

Shepherd Bushiri’s allegations are powerful, emotionally charged, and serious. But when measured against the 2015–2016 ministry timeline, Raphaella’s birth after Sambo’s departure, the 2018 Malawi relocation narrative, and conflicting accounts of the Blantyre Airport incident, the story becomes deeply inconsistent.

In matters involving child safety, criminal allegations, and public trust, precision is not optional. When timelines do not align, public figures have a responsibility to provide clarity, not repetition of claims that remain difficult to independently verify.

Until such clarity is provided, the public is left not with certainty, but with unresolved contradictions that demand closer scrutiny.

Further reading:Report on the south african reporter deportation.

https://www.news24.com/citypress/news/my-ordeal-in-pursuit-of-bushiri-city-press-reporter-detained-in-malawi-20190226

REBUTTAL TO HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH’S LATEST REPORT ON THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN THE SAHEL

The attention of the Sahel Solidarity Campaign Network (SaS-CaN) has been drawn to a report written and published on Thursday 2nd April, 2026 by the US-based Human Rights Watch. Titled: ‘NONE CAN RUN AWAY’, the Organisation reported that at least 1,800 civilians have been killed in Burkina Faso in the last three years in acts amounting to “war crimes and crimes against humanity”.  

The report further stated that about 1,837 civilians, including dozens of children, were killed in 57 incidents between January 2023 and August 2025. It indicted the Burkinabe Military and its so-called allied militias of killing about 1,255, with the terrorist group responsible for the deaths of the others.

We find ourselves, yet again, confronted with the recycling of a discredited narrative, peddled by the same source that unabashedly weaponized human rights as tools of oppression and geopolitical manipulation for years now. As has been the case, in its reporting on the situation in Burkina Faso since the inception of President Ibrahim Traore in 2023, the US-based Human Rights Watch previous reports is hell-bent on engaging in smear attacks and malicious campaigns against the competent authorities in Ouagadougou. SaS-CaN categorically rejects the report in its entirety—its fallacious premises, it’s absurd language, and the blatantly politicized agenda it embodies.


The Sahel Solidarity Campaign Network (SaS-CaN) condemns terrorism in all circumstances and including in situations of conflict and advocates zero-tolerance policy towards the menace. This latest report, which is well packed in the language of concern, has never been about genuinely promoting or defending human rights either in Burkina Faso or in the Sahel region. It is, unequivocally, a cunning tactic that is aimed at undermining a sovereign progressive nation that refuses to be used as a tool of oppression.

It’s unfortunate that this is not an isolated report and has been the case since the Sahel revolution in 2022. The report is replete with hate, old malice, grudges and double standards. The government of Burkina Faso led by President Ibrahim Traore, and of course the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) had already expressed their concerns and questioned the impartiality and professionalism of the same pen holders at the Human Rights Watch bureaucracy.

This anti-African posture, driven by a neo-colonial agenda sets a dangerous precedent. It is precisely this kind of sabotage and hatred that dangerously threatens peace and stability in Africa. SaS-CaN urges the international public and the progressive media to unite against this grotesque instrument of confusion, disinformation and propaganda.

SaS-CaN also finds it curious that Human Rights Watch cannot explain in its latest report that the situation in Burkina Faso is between foreign terrorist outfits created, trained, funded and supported by NATO who have attacked and are unleashing terror on poor Africans, and the Governments of Mali, Burkina Faso and the Republic of Niger are responding in defending their people against those terrorist attacks. Instead, the report forcefully tried to snuff the global community with a report based on misinformation, disinformation, flaws and misplaced projections. SaS-CaN categorically rejects and advocates against any engagement with mechanisms that operate outside the framework of impartiality, mutual respect, and race equality.

SaS-CaN has previously criticised the Human Rights Watch for releasing a report that was deeply biased, misleading, incorrect, misplaced and which is millions of miles away from the truth. For God’s sake how the Human Rights Watch could want the public to receive its report when the entire motive of its agenda in the Sahel is to weaponise human rights as a means to demonise authentic African leaders in the Sahel region of the continent.

The Human Rights Watch also alleged in its latest report that the Burkinabe Military is engaged in a campaign of ethnic cleansing that targets Fulani African people in the Sahel.  SaS-CaN believes strongly that a presumptive approach that has already appropriated guilt to the government of Burkina Faso’s prosecution of the war against terrorism proffers no solution to returning peace and stability to the Sahel region. It is even needless to mention here the origin of the ongoing terrorism war in the Sahel. Suffice it to say that, in the AES, you touch one, you touch all!

Members-states of the AES owed it a duty and responsibility to defend their sovereignty, national independence and homeland dignity against any foreign aggression or threat. So, Burkina Faso’s military operations against terrorist attacks are carried out with the goal of restoring peace and kicking out all terrorist outfits and their agents out of the Sahel region.

The activities of the AES military are carried out with utmost precaution to avoid collateral damage on civilians and civilian institutions. If at all there is any misconduct by anybody, corrective measures are taken. The competent authorities in Bamako, Ouagadougou and Niamey have the far-sight and wisdom as well experience to understand what this politics of human rights is all about.

While the foreign terrorist groups are hell-bent on unleashing genocide on poor Africans, members-states of the AES remain firmly committed to defending and promoting human rights and sovereignty of their people against terrorism. The recent successes in the frontlines against the terrorist groups are never reported by any Western institution.

The AES as a regional body comprising Mali, Burkina Faso and the Republic of Niger has clear directions and takes pride in milestones in its peace and human rights advocacy. It is clear that while others define human rights in the context of its violations, the AES on the contrary looks at its concept in the context of peace, good governance, security, stability, freedom, sustainable development, dignity and sovereignty. The governments of Mali, Burkina Faso and the Republic of Niger are serious and concerned with human rights protection, and as such have created the conditions needed to combat against the growing menace of terrorism in Africa.

Ensuring the protection and security of Africans in the Sahel region remains of utmost importance to the three member-states of the AES. Let no one mistaken here, the governments of Mali, Burkina Faso and the Republic of Niger will not compromise sovereignty and dignity of their people, but will go further to accelerate current efforts to comprehensively respond to the humanitarian situation with the same goal of guaranteeing the protection and security of their citizens.

It is regrettable that the Human Rights Watch continues to demonise the AES member-states in its assessment of the situation in the Sahel region. As for the tools used to prepare the report, the Human Rights Watch relies on unverified and baseless information, which it uses to sell to the public as facts on the ground. SaS-CaN urges the US based organisation to stay honest and take a long, hard look in the mirror before meddling in the AES internal matters.

Fulanis are Africans and we all dwell together. It is interesting to note that the Human Rights Watch choses to report on the AES region where again it remains silent on the development process taking place. In so doing, the Human Rights Watch has discredited its respect and misused the international public to market its hatreds, malice and grudges against the Sahel region.

Speaking to people outside the targeted country or countries through telephone makes the report partial, baseless, biased, and erroneous. The report also fails to disclose those supporting the terrorist in the Sahel. These are not mistakes, but a deliberate action by Human Rights Watch to promote a neo-colonial agenda in the Sahel region.

The report is also about maintaining foreign hegemony and the human rights stick is the strategy of choice to denigrate and punish those nations that resist this hegemonic plan.  Being so partial, biased, subjective and race-filled, Human Rights Watch risks losing its credibility and acceptance in Africa.  

SaS-CaN would like to underline the importance it attaches to the role expected of Human Rights Watch in promoting and defending human rights in Africa. While SaS-CaN calls on Human Rights Watch to rededicate itself to its mandated mission, we are hopeful that the US-based Organisation will seek the support of the AES to help it fulfil its mandate and to remain careful of not being used as a platform to demonise the AES leaders.

Signed by:

Alimamy  Bakarr  Sankoh
President and Co-founder
The Sahel Solidarity Campaign Network
SaS-CaN

Walking Bigger: What Malawi must learn from the Angola–Zambia–Botswana energy shift

By Eddison Arnold Mombera, MBA (Oil, Gas & Energy Management Expert)

Africa’s energy map is being redrawn, and Malawi risks being left behind. While we continue to rely on the same fuel import routes and systems that existed before many of us were born, our neighbours are making bold, future‑shaping decisions as the old saying reminds us, tsoka la wina ndi mwayi wa wina—and indeed, pachoka nzako pali malo.

Today, Botswana, Zambia, and Angola are proving that energy security is not achieved through speeches, but through infrastructure, ownership, and strategic courage.

A New Regional Energy Bloc Is Emerging

Angola, Zambia, and Botswana have embarked on one of the most ambitious energy collaborations in Southern Africa: a massive oil refinery in Lobito, Angola, supported by a multi‑product pipeline stretching to Lusaka.

This is not a feasibility study destined for a shelf. It is a funded, structured, multi‑billion‑dollar project with clear timelines and shared ownership.

Key features include:

  • A 200,000-barrel-per-day refinery, with 100,000 barrels per day allocated to Zambia
  • A 1,400 km pipeline delivering petrol, diesel, jet fuel, and LPG directly into Zambia
  • Joint stakes held by Angola, Zambia, and Botswana ensuring supply security and shared value
  • Commissioning expected in 2026, positioning the bloc as a regional energy anchor

For Zambia, this marks a historic shift from being a perpetual importer of refined products to becoming a co‑owner of the very infrastructure that determines its energy destiny. For Botswana, it is a strategic hedge against global volatility. For Angola, it is a chance to capture more value from its crude oil rather than exporting it all.

This is what “walking bigger” looks like.

The Global Context: Volatility Is the New Normal

Oil markets are increasingly shaped by geopolitics rather than geology. Conflicts in the Middle East, disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz, and supply chain shocks have made long‑distance fuel procurement a high‑risk affair. Countries that depend on imported refined products especially landlocked economies are the most exposed.

Zambia and Botswana have responded by shortening their supply chains, reducing transport costs, and insulating themselves from global turbulence. They are not waiting for crises to dictate their fate.

Meanwhile, Malawi Still Uses the Longest, Oldest Route

Malawi continues to import nearly all its fuel through Tanzania, primarily via Dar es Salaam and Tanga, using long-haul road tankers. This model has remained unchanged for decades. It is expensive, risky, and vulnerable to disruptions beyond our control.

Recent events exposed this fragility:

  • Over 120 fuel tankers were stranded at the Tanzania–Malawi border during political unrest
  • Millions of litres of fuel were delayed due to congestion and suspended berthing at Tanga
  • Emergency volumes had to be sourced from Beira, Nacala, and Zimbabwe

Even in stable times, our dependence on road tankers inflates:

  • Transport costs
  • Pump prices
  • Accident and pilferage risks
  • Border delays
  • Carbon emissions

Tanzania remains a reliable partner, but reliance on a single corridor is not a strategy—it is a gamble.

How Malawi Can Leverage Cheaper Upstream Logistics

There is another lesson Malawi must urgently absorb: long-distance fuel movement should never rely on road tankers. Globally, countries that have mastered energy security use pipelines and rail for upstream transport, and reserve road tankers for short-distance downstream distribution.

Pipeline transport costs as little as US$0.01–0.03 per litre, compared to US$0.06–0.12 per litre for long-haul tankers. Malawi is currently using the most expensive method for the longest distance a structural inefficiency that guarantees high pump prices.

If Malawi connects to a regional pipeline whether through Zambia, Mozambique, or a future Lobito Corridor extension the expensive part of the journey becomes cheap. Road tankers would only be used within Malawi, for the final 50–150 km. This is how countries like Uganda, Rwanda, and Botswana have reduced logistics costs despite being landlocked.

In parallel, Malawi must build distributed strategic reserves across the country, connected by pipeline or rail. Instead of one or two central depots, we need multiple storage points each holding 30–60 days of cover, giving the nation 90–120 days of resilience. This model reduces national vulnerability, stabilizes prices, and allows bulk procurement at lower cost.

This is the kind of structural reform that transforms an energy system from fragile to future-proof.

What Lessons Should Malawi Learn?

1. Ownership Matters More Than Importation

Zambia’s 25% stake in the Lobito refinery guarantees supply and reduces forex pressure. Malawi has never owned any upstream or midstream asset in its fuel supply chain. We buy what others produce and transport.

2. Pipelines Are the Future

Pipelines are cheaper, safer, and more secure than road tankers. The Angola–Zambia pipeline will cut transport costs dramatically.

3. Energy Diplomacy Is a Strategic Tool

Angola and Zambia negotiated a deal that reshapes their economic futures. Malawi must elevate energy diplomacy to the same level as food security and water governance.

4. Infrastructure Must Evolve

Our storage depots, procurement systems, and logistics models are outdated. Meanwhile, our neighbours are modernizing at speed.

5. Fuel Security Is Economic Security

In an agri-based economy like ours, fuel price shocks hit hardest. They raise the cost of farm inputs, transportation, and food—deepening rural poverty.

A Strategic Roadmap for Malawi

Short-Term

  • Expand fuel storage to at least 90 days of cover
  • Strengthen alternative routes (Beira, Nacala, Zimbabwe)
  • Digitize procurement and logistics

Medium-Term

  • Explore a Malawi–Zambia pipeline interconnector
  • Secure equity in regional refining projects
  • Develop a national strategic fuel reserve policy

Long-Term

  • Participating in regional energy blocs
  • Invest in domestic biofuels and synthetic fuels
  • Build a multi‑product pipeline in partnership with neighbours

Conclusion: Malawi Must Decide Whether to Walk Bigger

The Angola–Zambia–Botswana refinery and pipeline project is a bold declaration that Africa can build its own energy future. Malawi must not remain a spectator.

We must choose whether to continue relying on the longest, most vulnerable supply chain or to step into a future where energy security is built, not begged for.

THE TIME TO WALK BIGGER IS NOW!

Party After Party at the Mo626 Inter-College Social Weekend

BLANTYRE-(MaraviPost)-To say there was ever a dull moment at the Mo626 Southern Region Inter-College Social Weekend would be far from the truth.

From the very first beat to the final song that echoed into the early hours of the morning, the atmosphere was electric, an explosion of music, colour, creativity, and youthful energy that transformed the venue into a living, breathing celebration.

This was not just another college gathering. It was a carefully curated experience where culture met entertainment, where expression met opportunity, and where students from across the Southern Region came together to celebrate life beyond lecture rooms.

The weekend kicked off in style with the Tiphwasuke Costume Party, a vibrant opening that immediately set the tone.

Students from Malawi University of Business and Applied Sciences (MUBAS), the University of Malawi (UNIMA), Malawi University of Science and Technology (MUST), Catholic University (CU), and Kamuzu College of Health Sciences (KUHeS) showed up in their numbers, each group bringing its own flavour, identity, and competitive spirit.

Adding excitement and incentive to the day, National Bank of Malawi (NBM) plc rewarded the top three best-dressed men and women with K250,000 each.

The competition intensified as the afternoon progressed, with participants confidently showcasing their outfits, drawing cheers, laughter, and applause from the crowd. It was not just about winning; it was about being seen, being expressive, and being part of something bigger.

But the costume party was only the beginning, a teaser of what was to come.

From the moment guests began to arrive, it was clear this would be no ordinary night. The entrance became a runway of creativity, students stepping out in bold, daring, and sometimes humorous costumes. Some embodied pop culture icons, others leaned into abstract artistic concepts, while a few pushed the boundaries with elaborate, handcrafted designs that drew admiration from every corner of the venue.

As the clock struck 10 PM, the mood shifted. The lights dimmed, the sound system roared to life, and the crowd surged forward in anticipation. The stage, which had quietly waited in the background, suddenly became the centre of attention.

The first major wave of excitement hit when ‘Sizinantole’ hitmaker Malonie Kyz made a surprise appearance. His entrance was met with an eruption of screams as students rushed closer, phones raised high to capture the moment. His performance was energetic and engaging, effortlessly connecting with the audience as they sang along word for word, turning the space into a unified chorus.

Without losing momentum, Ace Jizzy, alongside Bee Jay, took over the stage. Their chemistry was immediate and infectious. As soon as the opening beats of ‘Jah Bless’ dropped, the crowd responded with explosive energy. Students jumped, danced, and sang along, their voices rising above the music. The duo kept the energy high, and when they performed fan favourites like ‘Tina’ and ‘Mpokompoko,’ the excitement reached another level. It was a moment of pure connection between artists and fans, raw, unfiltered, and unforgettable.

Then came a shift in tempo, as the night eased into a smoother, more melodic vibe.

R&B sensation Kelly Kay stepped onto the stage, bringing with him a wave of calm confidence and musical depth. His performance was more than just singing; it was storytelling. Moving seamlessly through hits like ‘NdiVailira,’ ‘Loss,’ ‘Finca,’ and ‘Ndatopa,’ he captivated the audience, many of whom swayed gently while others sang along with emotion.

A standout moment came when he performed ‘Mwano’, his collaboration with the late Martse. The mood softened, and for a brief moment, the high-energy party turned reflective. The crowd responded with appreciation, some raising their phones with flashlights on, creating a sea of light that flickered across the venue. It was a powerful reminder of music’s ability to connect across time and memory.

Just as the audience settled into this emotional rhythm, the unexpected happened: Malawian music icon Gwamba made a surprise appearance. The crowd erupted once again; the calm was instantly replaced by excitement. His presence reignited the energy, adding yet another memorable highlight to an already eventful night.

The surprises did not end there.

IKK then stepped onto the stage, bringing a distinctive sound and stage presence that kept the momentum going. Known for his versatility and ability to engage diverse audiences, he delivered a performance that blended rhythm, lyricism, and crowd interaction. Students responded enthusiastically, feeding off his energy as he moved across the stage with confidence and ease.

By this point, the night had already delivered multiple peaks, but it was far from over.

Joe Ikon followed with a performance that can only be described as explosive. From the moment he stepped onto the stage, the energy shifted dramatically. Fire effects lit up the stage, confetti filled the air, and the crowd surged forward, drawn into the spectacle.

Known for his tireless energy, Joe Ikon delivered hit after hit without slowing down. Songs like ‘Nkhawa Ndilibe,’ ‘Ndasangalala,’ ‘Oneni,’ and ‘Sekelela’ turned the venue into a high-energy dance floor. He danced, he jumped, he engaged, constantly interacting with fans, calling for responses, and keeping the energy alive. His stamina was unmatched, and the crowd mirrored his intensity, refusing to let the momentum drop.

As the night progressed, the musical journey continued to evolve.

Crispy, alongside Mario Bros, brought a transition into the world of hip-hop, trap, and urban sound. Unlike the high-intensity performances before him, Crispy’s approach was calm yet commanding. He walked onto the stage with a quiet confidence that immediately drew attention.

His set, featuring tracks like ‘Umpeze,’ ‘Wakutuma Nda?’ ‘Step by Step,’ ‘Kwambiri,’ and ‘Olowelera,’ resonated strongly with fans who appreciated his style. The crowd vibed differently, less jumping, more rhythmic movement, yet equally engaged. It was a reminder of the diversity of musical tastes within the audience and of the event’s ability to cater to all.

By the time the clock edged toward 3:30 AM, fatigue might have been expected, but instead, a second wave of energy swept through the venue.

Amapiano took over.

Zeze, the self-styled Amapiano king, stepped onto the stage and instantly transformed the atmosphere. The beats dropped, deep and infectious, and the crowd responded instinctively. The entire venue became a dance floor, with students moving in sync, lost in rhythm.

His set, featuring songs like ‘Ndilila M’Mvura,’ ‘Kusangalala,’ ‘Achisale,’ ‘Mvetsera,’ and ‘Kagwele Uko,’  kept the energy alive well into the early hours. There was no sign of slowing down, only smiles, laughter, and bodies moving to the music. It was the perfect closing act to a night defined by continuous highs.

The 2026 Mo626 Inter-College Social Weekend marks the second edition of the event, following a successful debut last year, also sponsored by National Bank of Malawi (NBM) plc. With each edition, the platform continues to grow, not only in scale but in impact.

Speaking at the event, NBM Marketing and Corporate Affairs Manager Akossa Mphepo-Hiwa emphasised the Bank’s commitment to engaging young people in meaningful and relatable ways.

“As a Bank, we believe in inclusive banking, meeting people where they are and connecting with them through platforms that matter to them. The Mo626 initiative allows us to engage students beyond traditional banking spaces, while celebrating their creativity, energy, and aspirations,” she said.

She added that such platforms are not just about entertainment, but about building lasting relationships with young people, understanding their needs, and creating solutions that speak to their lifestyles.

As the music faded and the crowd slowly dispersed, one thing remained clear: the Mo626 Inter-College Social Weekend was more than just a series of performances. It was an experience. A shared memory. A celebration of youth, culture, and connection.

Following the success of the Southern Region edition, National Bank of Malawi (NBM) plc is expected to roll out similar experiences in the Central and Northern regions, extending the excitement and opportunity to students across the country.

And if this edition is anything to go by, one thing is certain: wherever Mo626 goes next, the party will follow.

MEC’s defiance of High Court ruling: A blow to judicial authority, rule of law

BLANTYRE-(MaraviPost)-It has now been four months since the High Court, under the stewardship of Judge Simeon Mdeza, delivered a clear and unequivocal ruling ordering the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) to relocate its headquarters from Lilongwe to Blantyre.

This ruling came after MEC challenged President Peter Mutharika’s executive order mandating the relocation.

The court dismissed MEC’s application and affirmed the president’s directive, expecting prompt compliance.

Yet, despite the passage of significant time, MEC has obstinately refused to move, flagrantly disregarding the court’s authoritative mandate.

This act of defiance raises serious concerns about MEC’s respect for judicial authority, the rule of law, and the very foundations of democratic governance in Malawi.

The judiciary in Malawi stands as a pillar of justice and fairness, charged with interpreting the law and ensuring that all entities, regardless of their status, abide by the rule of law.

The High Court’s decision on this matter was unambiguous, reflecting not only a legal interpretation but a binding order. The expectation is simple: MEC must comply.

Failure to do so is not merely a bureaucratic oversight but a direct challenge to the supremacy of the judiciary and the legal framework that governs the nation.

What makes MEC’s continued refusal even more egregious is the fact that the commission’s chairperson is herself a judge. A judge, by training and profession, is sworn to uphold the law, respect court orders, and embody the principles of justice.

The chairperson’s position should be one of the highest example in demonstrating obedience to the courts.

Instead, this scenario paints a troubling picture of selective compliance and undermines public confidence in both the commission and the judiciary. If a judge leading MEC can choose to ignore a clear court order, it sends a dangerous message that legal rulings can be flouted with impunity.

The role of MEC is fundamentally tied to the credibility and integrity of Malawi’s electoral processes.

Its mandate includes ensuring transparent, fair, and accountable elections, which are cornerstones of a functioning democracy.

However, respect for the judiciary and the legal system is equally critical. When MEC chooses to defy a court order, it risks eroding its legitimacy and, by extension, the public’s trust in the electoral system.

The commission’s actions—or lack thereof—jeopardize the very democratic values it is supposed to protect.

Moreover, the principle of separation of powers in a democratic state demands that the executive, legislature, and judiciary operate within their respective domains, respecting the boundaries and decisions of each other to maintain balance and order.

The High Court’s ruling was a clear exercise of judicial authority, and MEC’s non-compliance directly challenges this balance.

By refusing to relocate, MEC is not only defying the president’s directive, which the court has validated, but it is also undermining the judiciary’s role as a check and balance in governance.

It is important to emphasize the legal implications of MEC’s continued non-compliance.

The court’s order is binding and enforceable. Failure to obey such orders constitutes contempt of court—a serious offense under Malawian law.

Contempt of court is designed to protect the dignity, authority, and effectiveness of the judiciary. It ensures that court orders are respected and followed to preserve justice and social order.

MEC’s refusal to move its headquarters to Blantyre, therefore, places it squarely in contempt of the High Court. This is not a mere technicality but a grave legal breach that warrants immediate remedial action.

The consequences of MEC’s contempt extend beyond legal ramifications.

They reflect a blatant disregard for governance norms and threaten to trigger a constitutional crisis.

If one of the country’s key constitutional bodies openly disrespects the judiciary, it creates a precedent for other institutions or individuals to do the same, leading to institutional breakdown and chaos.

Upholding the rule of law means ensuring that no one—not even entities entrusted with critical national responsibilities—is above the law.

It is also worth reflecting on the practical implications of MEC’s refusal to relocate.

The president’s executive order to move MEC’s headquarters to Blantyre was presumably motivated by strategic considerations, including decentralization of government functions and equitable development.

By not complying, MEC is obstructing government policy aimed at national progress.

This not only delays administrative efficiency but also portrays MEC as an institution resistant to governmental directives, thereby politicizing an entity that should ideally remain neutral and cooperative in the national interest.

The public deserves transparency and accountability from MEC regarding its failure to implement the court’s ruling. Silence or vague excuses only fuel speculation of internal disagreements, political interference, or deliberate obstructionism.

As a body funded by taxpayers and charged with safeguarding democratic processes, MEC owes the citizens clear explanations and swift corrective actions.

Its current stance undermines public faith and diminishes its stature.

It is critical for all stakeholders—the judiciary, the executive, civil society, and the general public—to demand that MEC immediately honors the court’s order.

The judiciary must consider employing stronger enforcement mechanisms, including holding MEC in contempt formally and imposing penalties if necessary.

The executive should reinforce the rule of law by supporting judicial decisions and ensuring compliance.

Civil society and the media must continue to hold MEC accountable, amplifying the call for respect of the court’s ruling.

The Malawi Electoral Commission’s refusal to relocate its headquarters to Blantyre as ordered by the High Court is a serious affront to the rule of law and judicial authority.

This defiance, coming from a commission chaired by a judge, is particularly troubling and undermines the credibility of both the judiciary and the electoral body.

Continued non-compliance risks contempt of court charges and sets a dangerous precedent that threatens democratic governance in Malawi.

It is imperative that MEC promptly complies with the court order to restore respect for legal institutions and reinforce the principles of justice and accountability that are essential for the nation’s stability and progress.

The time for excuses has long passed; MEC must now act decisively and uphold the law it is sworn to respect.

NBM plc profit hits MK197.97 billion 

BLANTYRE-(MaraviPost)-National Bank of Malawi (NBM) plc has announced an increase in its profit-after-tax to K197.97 billion, marking a 95% increase over the recorded previous profit after tax of K101.71 billion in 2024.

In the just-released financial statement signed by Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Harold Jiya, Board Chairperson Grant Kabango, Director Madalo Mwenelupembe, and Chief Financial Officer (CFO) Daniel Jere, NBM plc’s results were largely driven by growth in customer deposits, which fueled an increase in the loan book and fixed-income securities.

“Customer deposits increased by 44% (2024: 37%) year-on-year, while the loan book grew by 31% (2025:15%). Investments in fixed income securities increased by 33 % (2024: 65%)”.

“Other income grew by 93%, increasing from K103.95 billion, largely due to growth in profits on foreign exchange dealings, fees and commissions and capital appreciation on listed equity investment. Operating expenses increased by 25% below the annual headline inflation of 28.4%,” reads the statement in part.

The Bank also said the growth has been driven by better results in managing all its subsidiaries, including Akiba Commercial Bank in Tanzania.

“All subsidiaries registered improved performances compared to the prior year, contributing positively to Group profitability.

“Efforts to turn around Akiba Commercial Bank in Tanzania through short- and medium-term strategies have begun to bear positive outcomes, which resulted in the Bank reporting a lower loss compared to the previous year,” the statement reads.

NBM plc also said modest economic growth and easing inflation partly contributed to the increase in profits.

“The Malawi economy grew by an estimated 2.8% in 2025 (2024: 1.8%) attributed to a modest recovery in agricultural production. Modest gains in tourism and mining also helped boost economic activity. Annual average year-on-year inflation fell to 28.4% from 32.2% recorded in the prior year. This is attributed to Government policy interventions post-elections to import the staple grain from Zambia to support vulnerable families, which led to a fall in food prices,” reads part of the statement.

However, these gains were countered by persistent foreign exchange scarcity, high inflation, and the effects of rising public debt.

Interest rates, on the other hand, remained relatively stable, though still high, with the Reserve Bank of Malawi maintaining the policy rate at 26% per annum throughout the year. The official Malawi Kwacha exchange rate against the US Dollar remained unchanged in 2025 at K1,751, despite the market having been characterised by persistent foreign exchange scarcity.

Despite several challenged expected in the coming year, the Bank sees a projection of economic growth in the incoming year.

“Economic growth is projected to improve to 3.8% in 2026, from 2.7% in 2025, supported by increased investment in key productive sectors including agriculture, tourism, mining, and manufacturing. Government expenditure on critical enablers such as infrastructure, transport, and energy, together with policy initiatives aimed at promoting export diversification and import substitution under the National Economic Recovery Plan (NERP) and the 2026/2027 National Budget, are expected to improve foreign exchange availability and support external sector resilience.”

“Ongoing efforts to stabilise the macroeconomic environment through domestic debt restructuring, strengthened fiscal discipline, and improved revenue mobilisation are also expected to help moderate interest rates and encourage private sector economic activity,” reads the statement.

Meanwhile, the Bank has declared a total dividend of K92.4 billion, translating to K197.92 per ordinary share, up from K59.0 billion in 2024, which represented K126.35 per share.In 2023, the bank paid K102.80 per share in dividends.

PressCane drives re-greening with tree planting in Chikwawa

BLANTYRE-(MaraviPost)-PressCane Limited has planted 400 trees around a pond area in Chikwawa, as part of efforts to promote environmental restoration in the district.

The Tree planting was exercised under the theme ‘Plant a Tree and Name It, Then Manage It’.

Speaking during the tree planting exercise on Monday, PressCane Chief Executive Officer Bryson Mkhomaanthu said the initiative is part of an ongoing programme to restore vegetation within the company’s operating area.

“It has always been our desire and habit to ensure the environment is safe. So far, we have planted over 12,000 trees since last month,” said Mkhomaanthu.

He added that the company will ensure the survival of the newly planted trees despite the early end of rainy season in the district.

“The trees we have planted will be irrigated to ensure they survive,” said Mkhomaanthu.

Mkhomaanthu further said the company plans to extend to surrounding communities willing to participate as the rainy season comes to an end.

PressCane Management Trainee Fatima Mkundula said the initiative will help improve soil stability and environmental sustainability.

She added that the location of the trees makes it easier to monitor and maintain them until maturity.

“There are people who work here throughout the week, making it easier to take care of the trees,” said Mkundula.

The trees will be tagged with the names of those who planted them, and individuals whose trees survive and grow will be rewarded.

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