Karl Marx observed that “men [and women] make their own history but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past.” Adding that “the tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living.”

Marx made this observation in 1800s but his observation remain relevant and applicable today; and it resonates with Joyce Banda’s somewhat enigmatic presidency, now in its 21st months. Joyce Banda’s presidency cannot be divorced from its inheritance. It was clear from the time Joyce Banda ascended to the highest office, succeeding Bingu wa Mutharika whom she deputised for nearly three years, that President Banda had difficult economic decisions to make. Yet the President’s advantage was that everyone was aware of the tough task she faced and people expected tough times.

The trickiest part from Joyce Banda’s point of view was that her economic decisions had to be inline if not fully subscribed by IMF and other key donors. This pitted her against Malawians whose mandate she needs to govern but at the same time she could not ignore the donor community whose support she badly needed to steady the sinking economy that almost nosedived when the late Mutharika fell out with donors.

President Banda needed no lecture on what could happen if donors stayed away, she was around to see the last days of her successor when Malawi’s fuel pump ran dry and there was no foreign currency for the country to import even basic necessities.

It was always a monumental task for President Banda, but not an impossible one. Especially that President Banda had a lot of good will both at home and abroad – people genuinely wanted her to succeed. With hindsight we can now argue that President Banda was way too eager to sale herself to the donor community. Yes, Bingu left Malawi at a vulnerable position without bargaining power.

But the wholesale devaluation of the Kwacha at 50% when some economists advised to do the inevitable devaluation in phases is a sign of naivety, not desperation. Failure to cushion the most vulnerable Malawians from the effects of the devaluation is a testimony that her administration was only too happy to please the IMF even at the expense of Malawians.

Consumers Association of Malawi, led by its ever-present leader, John Kapito demonstrated against this and as always he was portrayed as attention-seeking and overzealous man.

Curiously, this was at a time when President Banda was receiving a lot of plaudits from the international community. IMF chief Christine Lagarde visited Malawi to see for herself the ‘success’ of austerity measures her organisation had forced on poor Malawians. This contrast made it apparent that the choice for Joyce Banda was between serving the economy for the benefit of Malawians and serving the donor community in order to attract more goodwill, and hopefully more money.

The money came and cashgate has subsequently shown that the money was only there to line the pockets of the ruling party cadre and the privileged few within the civil service while majority of poor Malawians went to hospitals that had no medicine; kids went to government schools that lacked basic teaching materials; teachers and hospitals workers always received their meagre salaries very late.

Shameful turn of events for most Malawians and people who placed their high hopes on Africa’s second female head of state. But this is not without an explanation. The fact that Joyce Banda and her People’s Party (PP) are facing uncertain tripartite elections means that President Banda has a triangle to negotiate: winning elections, saving the economy and pleasing donors. You cannot save more that one master, as they say. One has to give.

Joyce Banda chose the donor community as her main priority; she listened to them more than Malawians. She pleased them more than Malawians; she successfully created duo personalities one for international community and one for Malawians at home. She happily travelled around the world and told donors that she is happy to “sacrifice her political career” for the sake of Malawi economy – a statement she would never make at home.

She was praised by former British Secretary of State for Development Andrew Mitchell as a caring president for selling the presidential jet. Thanks to some excellent journalism (rare these days), we now know that she continues using the “sold” jet. The presidency was praised globally for cutting their salaries by 30% to show solidarity with all Malawians struggling with the IMF imposed austerity measures, when at home President Banda travelled daily campaigning for her party, masquerading as “development rallies”, pocketing colossal sums of allowances and depleting the state resources in the process.

Those that have been paying attention will rightly say none of this is new, correct. What is new however is that the international community that Joyce Banda wasted so much effort, time and resources on are finally seeing what everyone honest Malawian has known throughout.

President Banda knows it and she is panicking about it. Hence the hiring of top of the rage London based PR firm – Bell Portinger to salvage her international reputation. Her personal reputation matters more than the plight of the currently she swore to serve and protect.

Her’ is a self-serving presidency hell-bent on wining the next election, not serving the people of Malawi as the president promised when she took that oath on 7th April 2012. The international media that glorified her “good leadership” can now see through the velvet curtains that masked true colours. Instead of being remembered as an Africa’s second female president who re-installed hope after Bingu’s economic mismanagement, Joyce Banda stands a better chance of being remembered as a president who abused people’s good will and lost the plot. Whatever happens on 20th May 2014 will not change this fact.

 

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect The Maravi Post editorial policy

 

 

 

28 January 2014. The January edition of BBC Africa Debate comes from Malawi, exploring the opportunities and risks associated with Africa’s young population. The BBC’s Nkem Ifejika and Nomsa Maseko will co-host the discussion in Blantyre, which will ask if the recent population explosion in Africa can be used to propel economic growth – or if it could backfire.

The average age in sub-Saharan Africa is still under 20, the youngest of any region in the world. The population of the continent will double by 2050. With nearly half of its population under the age of 15, Malawi is typical of sub-Saharan Africa.

Some economists see this youthful population as a major opportunity for Africa – especially compared with the ageing populations of Europe and North America. But others point out the risks of such rapid population growth – and the potential pitfalls of having too many young people with not enough to do. Security experts often link a youthful population with instability – citing civil conflicts across West Africa in the 1990s as an example, or recent movements such as Boko Haram in Nigeria.

BBC Africa Debate producer, Mary Morgan, says: “Some of the fastest growing economies in the world are in Africa, but much of this growth has been jobless – and those aged 16-24 make up 60% of the unemployed. It seems there is also a mismatch between the skills being taught in schools and universities and those required in the workplace. Many young people also feel excluded from mainstream politics and disillusioned with their leaders. In this debate, we want to give young people the opportunity to share these experiences – and ask questions of those with the ability and responsibility to help Africa’s youth realise their potential.”

BBC Africa Debate will bring together a studio audience of around 150 people including Malawi government ministers, politicians, economists, population experts, students, entrepreneurs, unemployed young people, youth leaders and journalists. Audiences can also join the debate via social media, with conversations on Twitter (#bbcafricadebate) and on Facebook and Google+ (search for BBC Africa).

This edition of BBC Africa Debate will be recorded on Thursday 30 January between 10 am and 12 noon local time at the College of Medicine Sports Complex, Blantyre. It will be broadcast by BBC World Service at 19.00 GMT on Friday 31 January and will be repeated at 13.00 GMT on Sunday 2 February. The debate will also be online at bbcafrica.com.

For more information and media invitations to the programme recording, please contact:

BBC Global News Communications – Lala Najafova lala.najafova@bbc.co.uk

According to Zodiak radio and social media there are strong reports going around that Malawi’s Inspector General of Police Lot Dzonzi has resigned.

Dzonzi has dismissed the reports as just rumours even though they are getting louder by the day.

“No, I don’t know anything about that. I haven’t resigned. I am home sick,” said Dzonzi.

 Home Affairs Minister Uladi Mussa also said it was not true that that the police boss had resigned.

“It’s not true. It is one of those rumors people create,” said Mussa.

But the reports suggest that Dzonzi has resigned because he feels sidelined following the appointment of Nelson Bophani as his second in command responsible for operations.

Dzonzi, appointed by President Joyce Banda in 2012, is a principled and devout Christian but considered by many as a weakling in as far as commanding the men in uniform is concerned.

Assani is very fickle, which is bad attribute for person sitting in the office of Minister of Justice. He is one of those people that keep oscillating between principle and opportunism and who should never be entrusted with the noble responsibility of presiding over the administration of justice.

Why do I say he is fickle?

1. He was the first lawyer that Bakili Muluzi consulted on whether the Constitution allowed him to leave retirement and seek the State Presidency. His straight answer to Muluzi at the time was an emphatic “NO”

But when he felt there was an opportunity to make some quid, he went back to the man who resides on top of BCA Hill and told him that having addressed his “legal” mind and consulted widely the matter was worth a try.
He was later to become the frontman of the legal machinations to have Muluzi retire from retirement.

As he salivated at the juicy carrots that Muluzi had offered, he even had the nerve of making crazy statements like “Muluzi has assembled a strong legal team that consists of 21 lawyers.” Whatever he meant, that’s Assani when he sees a pot of sizzling and sumptuous delicacies.

2. When as Minister of Justice he looked at the pieces of information that the investigations had unearthed in respect of the cash gate, he told his officers he would meet with President Joyce Banda immediately and do three things:

(a) To advise President Joyce Banda to immediately stop parading Paul Mphwiyo as innocent and as a hero in the fight against corruption because such sentiments would backfire on her based on the evidence against the former budget director.

(b) That Paul Mphwiyo should be arrested right on arrival from South Africa where he was receiving treatment following his near killing. He had to be arrested because evidence showed he was the main player in the plunder of resources not only under the Joyce Banda administration, but also during the previous ones.

(c) That President Banda should ensure that this information is not leaked to Paul Mphwiyo, or nothing should be done to alert him to the prospect of his arrest. He did not have to be alerted because government had already learnt that he was planning to escape to the United States of America.

When Assani met the President, everything changed. He was instructed to protect Mphwiyo and everyone who has information on cashgate that can put her and her administration in trouble. For this he was promised a number of favours, including discarding Cassim Chilumpha for him as PP’s parliamentary candidate in Nkhotakota South and being considered for the appointment of running mate.

At once, Assani changed his opinion on Cashgate. His desire to follow the law was gone. All his objectivity vanished. His new task now was to ensure that President Banda is protected, that Mutharika is persecuted and blocked from running. Assani promised Joyce Banda that all her opponents will be eliminated from the electoral equation; that her rule will be perpetuated at whatever cost. Assani strongly believes that after he has achieved this, after May 20 he will be the Vice President of Malawi.

That’s Fahad Assiriyamungu Ullaya Assani, the chameleonic mind; Malawi’s minister of Justice.

 

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect The Maravi Post editorial policy

In the wake of Nigeria’s anti-gay bill signed into law by President Goodluck Jonathan, the nation’s popular televangelist, T.B. Joshua addressed the issue of homosexuality during a live broadcast of his Sunday Service on his own television network, Emmanuel TV. A young man by the name of Tedus visited T.B. Joshua’s church and was apparently delivered from a ‘demon’ which he claimed was the cause of his homosexual lifestyle.

T.B. Joshua addressed the issue saying,

“God loves sinners but hates sin. We should hate the act but not the people – because sinners can be delivered and changed. Sinners can be reformed since our battle is not against the flesh and blood but against the spirit beings that cause these acts”.

He used the Bible scriptures Romans 5:8, Jude 1:23 and Ephesians 6:12 to support his teaching.

During the live broadcast Mr Tedus, who said he had been a homosexual, was asked a series of questions and shared his experiences which were posted on the ministry’s Facebook page in a post titled, “Deliverance is the Answer”. He said that he remembered a time he felt a spirit enter him and after that, he began to feel affection for men. That was how his journey as a homosexual started. He said that after his deliverance at the church his desires have changed and he no longer has passion for men but rather for women.

This all seems to be a more in-depth spiritual approach on the issue of homosexuality then the statements made by Pope Francis in July when he said that he will not “judge” gays and lesbians, including gay priests, signalling a shift from his predecessor and hinting at a possible change in the Church’s approach to historically marginalised groups. “If someone is gay and he searches for the Lord and has good will, who am I to judge?” Francis said in a wide-ranging news conference aboard the papal plane.

T.B. Joshua said, “If we fail to see that there are powers that cause people to be bowed down in bondage, we are fighting the wrong battle. That is why so many churches today are fighting the wrong battle. When you are armed for battle, you will not fight the wrong battle; you will listen to the inner voice of the Holy Spirit. The issue of faith is not an issue of man’s flesh. It is of man’s spirit, not man’s flesh”.

Mr Tedus later gave advice saying, “If you come across someone with the same problem, you should not condemn. The only answer is deliverance.”

Sonke Gender Justice joins South Africa in the outrage and sadness felt at hearing that a 9-year old girl was raped and set on fire in Delft in the Western Cape.

This time last year, the country and the world was appalled by the brutal rape and murder of 17 year old Anene Booysen. In 2012, it was seven young men who callously filmed and circulated the video of themselves sexually assaulting a mentally disabled girl. A decade before it was nine month old Baby Tshepang, raped by her mother’s boyfriend and nearly killed by her injuries. Late last year South Africans will remember the case of Yonelisa and Zandile Mali, aged two and three, who were kidnapped and later found, raped and murdered, their bodies dumped in a public toilet in Diepsloot.

These horrific stories that make it into the news headlines are, of course, not isolated incidences. Far from it. In South Africa, a rape is committed about every 30 seconds. Some estimates suggest that nearly 1.5 million rapes occur in South Africa annually. Reports also suggest that 40% of these rapes are against children, and 15% against children under age 11.

Each of these cases has generated appropriate public outrage and media coverage. Each has also led to a slew of government commitments: to provide more and better services to victims, to hold perpetrators to account, to get challenge the patriarchal norms that equate manhood without dominance over women, a sense of entitlement to their bodies and disregard for women’s rights.

In each case though the attention has gradually subsided and, as a result, government’s commitment to action recedes as the public outrage dies down.

In his State of the Nation Address delivered just a few days after Anene Booysens’s murder last year, President Zuma recognised the urgency of “unity in action to eradicate the scourge” of rape and said “The brutality and cruelty meted out to defenceless women is unacceptable and has no place in our country.”

President Zuma reminded the nation in his speech that the National Council on Gender Based Violence was set up to coordinate government’s efforts to address rape and domestic violence and said “We urge this coordinating structure to make the campaign of fighting violence against women an everyday campaign.”

Despite directives from the highest office in the land for the GBV (Gender-Based Violence) Council to urgently address men’s violence against women, the GBV council has failed South Africans and not delivered on its mandate.

To date, despite multiple and expensive meetings, it has not yet even developed a national GBV prevention plan, let alone secured the resource necessary to provide health and justice system services to victims, hold perpetrators accountable or roll-out effective GBV prevention campaigns.
This has to change.

Unlike the National Strategic Plan on HIV and AIDS which is costed, has the necessary resources from treasury and is implemented in partnership with civil society, there has been no national GBV plan since the 365 Days of Action Plan expired in 2011. This too has to change.

If it does not, the Minister of the Department of Women, Children and People with Disabilities must be held to account for her failure to produce the costed national plan South Africa desperately needs.

The GBV Council must deliver on its mandate. It has the responsibility to address the inadequate implementation of South Africa’s GBV legislation: especially the Sexual Offences Act and the Domestic Violence Act.

Over a decade ago when the Department of Health under Manto Tshabalala-Msimang failed to provide leadership on HIV prevention and the roll-out of AIDS medication, civil society activists engaged in civil disobedience to demand their right to health be respected. TAC and its partners occupied police stations and the offices of the Commission for Gender Equality and demanded government comply with its commitments and obligations as laid out in the Constitution and our national laws and policies.

Is it time for us to now embark on similar action to demand our government take urgent action to address gender-based violence? Will that move us from this predictable cycle of violence, outrage, commitments and then inaction to real and rapidly implemented solutions? If the GBV Council cannot deliver on its mandate then its leadership and members must be held accountable for their inaction.

Desmond Lesejane, Sonke’s Deputy Director, says “With the 2014 State of the Nation Address just around the corner the President and his cabinet must provide leadership and insist that the GBV Council develops a costed, evidence-based national strategic plan on GBV with timeframes for implementation and clearly laid out responsibilities and consequences for failure to deliver.”

Last year Sonke and its partners also called on Minister Gordhan to set aside a special fund to address GBV. We met with officials from Treasury and called for R1Billion a year to cover health and criminal justice system services and to fund effective national prevention campaigns. Khumalo says, “We did not hear back from treasury. This has too to change. We issue this same urgent call again this year. Similar special funds in this amount have been set aside before.”

Sonke’s Advocacy manager, Sisonke Msimang, says “GBV costs the country billions in health and police costs and in unmet economic productivity. Minister Gordhan, it’s time to treat GBV as an urgent national priority and budget accordingly.”

In conclusion, Sonke calls on the GBV Council to act on its mandate to devise and ensure implementation of an ambitious, evidence-based national plan to address rape and domestic violence. In addition, we call on President Zuma to support and hold accountable the cabinet members responsible for delivering safety and dignity to women and children. We also call on all women and men in South Africa to demand action from local, provincial and national government and to take strong stands against violence in our communities.

Sonke contacts:
Joburg office: Mbuyiselo Botha, Sonke Government and Media Relations Manager: 082 518 1177
Cape Town Office: Patrick Godana, Sonke Government and Media Relations Manager: 073 233 4560

BLANTYRE (MaraPost)–Malawi’s governing People’s Party (PP) Deputy Spokesperson, Ken Msonda says he will not stop talking or visiting the families of Malawi Congress Party (MCP) President Lazarus Chakwera, former President Bakili Muluzi and former Vice President Cassim Chilumpha, among others, because “we differ in our political affiliation and aspirations”.

Msonda said those spending sleepless nights speculating about his next political move following the resignation of Sidik Mia from the party should know that (verbatim: “I have been close to H.E. Dr. Joyce Banda, our Cool first Gentleman and the family since I was born. I celebrated my 52nd birthday on Jan 2.”

 

“I have known former President Dr. Bakili Muluzi and family since 1979 when I was working for Chloride Batteries as a Salesman.”

“I have known former Vice President Kaka Cassim Chilumpha S.C, since the UDF times. I am his surity together with Kamlepo Kalua for his fabricated treason case.”

“I have known Dr. Lazarus Chakwera and family since I gave my life to Christ as my Lord and Saviour in 1982.”

“I have known the Mia family since 1992/93 when I was working as Sales Representative for Pharmanova Ltd, thereafter, joined Blantyre Knettin Co. Ltd, a division of DWS & Sons.”

” I was Hon. Sidik Mia’s Campaign Director during PP Convention, where he won the party’s Vice Presidency for South with majority votes.”

“Mrs Abida Mia visited me when I was in hospital almost on the point of death. She was there during my two daughter’s wedding in April and December 2013.

“She was there on Friday 24 January when I had a major car breakdown near Sobo/Carlsberg when there seemed to be no help in sight: she came.”

“I thank the Lord God Almighty that I have and will continue to achieve the goal.”

“No political enemies, as a Born Again Christian.”

“I therefore cannot stop talking or visiting the Muluzi family, the Chilumpha, the Chakweras, the Mia family etc because we differ in our political affiliation and aspirations.”

BLANTYRE (MaraPost)–Malawi’s President Joyce Banda was called by God to be the leader to change the dynamics of politics in the country for the next 50 years, ruling People’s Party (PP) deputy spokesperson Ken Msonda observed.

The outspoken PP deputy spokesperson claims President Banda has made some political risks that were avoided by previous Presidents and that she has replaced politics of hate with love and forgiveness.

 

According to him, such risks are the fight against corruption and graft in government and forgiving people who spoke bad about her when she was the State Vice President for the love of this country.

“Leadership is a calling from God. To be Head of State and government is one of such calling.

“Surely, such political leaders are not easily found, unless sent by God; the likes of Nelson Mandela. Her Excellency Joyce Banda is in that group,” says Msonda.

He added, “All the doubting Thomas Didimos will stand in owe then H.E. Dr. Joyce Banda shall be sworn and re-confirmed as State President of the Republic of Malawi after May 20 elections to further develop this nation.”

Commenting on Binton Kutsaira’s hiring as Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Msonda said in politics there is no permanent friends or enemies.

“Welcome Mr. Binton Kutsaira to the 20 May 2014, Malawi Tripartite Elections winning team- The People’s Party, under the democratic and wise leadership of Dr. Joyce Banda,” concluded Msonda.