Tag Archives: Kamuzu and Malawi Congress Party (MCP).

Human Rights

Debate Among Human Rights Activists Over Planned Demonstrations

Burnett Munthali

By Burnett Munthali

In Malawi, a significant debate has emerged among prominent human rights activists regarding the upcoming nationwide demonstrations organized by concerned citizens for next month. This division highlights differing perspectives on the appropriateness and timing of the protests.

Undule Mwakasungula, a well-known figure in Malawi's human rights advocacy scene, has taken a firm stance against the planned demonstrations. He argues that the timing is insensitive, particularly due to the recent national tragedy involving the death of the vice president and eight others in a plane crash earlier this month. Mwakasungula asserts that the country is currently in a period of mourning, and initiating protests during this sensitive time could be perceived as disrespectful and disruptive to the mourning process.

However, Mwakasungula’s position has not gone without criticism. Critics question his legitimacy as a human rights activist, pointing to his past involvement in controversial issues such as the Mathanyula agenda and alleging his close ties to the Malawi Congress Party (MCP). Some media voices have called for a reevaluation of Mwakasungula’s role in public discourse, suggesting that his advocacy may be influenced by political affiliations rather than solely by human rights concerns.

The planned demonstrations aim to address widespread discontent over economic hardships and perceived governmental shortcomings under the current MCP administration. Supporters argue that peaceful protests are a constitutional right, providing a platform for citizens to express their grievances and demand accountability from elected leaders.

As Malawi prepares for the potential demonstrations, the discord among activists reflects broader societal divisions and differing strategies for addressing national challenges. It underscores the complexities faced by civil society in navigating political dynamics while advocating for social justice and human rights.

In conclusion, the debate surrounding the impending demonstrations underscores the need for nuanced dialogue and respectful engagement within Malawi’s human rights community. It emphasizes the importance of balancing democratic rights with ethical responsibilities in advancing meaningful societal reforms and addressing pressing issues facing the nation.

Malawi

Where will Chilima get the votes without structures and institution to lean? Road to 2019

Maravi Post Reporter 3 Comments

Saulos Chilima
Saulos Chilima vying to unseat his Boss President Peter Mutharika with no structures in place

By Nenenji Mlangeni
I am looking at the voting tendency of the past general elections and I am asking myself, where will Vice President Saulosi Chilima’s United Transformation Movement (UTM ) get the votes?
This is the political grouping just being launched just ten months before Malawi’s general elections in 2019 which has come with the bang particularly in cities.

Kamuzu Banda
Kamuzu Banda: first Malawi President

See in 1994, the year we ushered in multiparty democracy in Malawi, Muluzi, (the winner) had 1,404,75447.15 (lets round it up to 1.5 million votes) and Kamuzu had 996,35333.44 (lets round it up to 1 million votes). Now look; this was after the pastoral letter.

After the Roman Catholic bishops had successfully tarnished the image of Kamuzu and Malawi Congress Party (MCP). After Muluzi and Chihana and all the pressure groups had painted MCP and Kamuzu as evil.  Yet he managed to come second with almost a million votes. What does that mean?
The people who voted for Kamuzu were party diehards, people who loved MCP to the bone, people who would never change their allegiance despite the political terrain.
In short, in 1994, (which was the toughest year for MCP) the MCP still had about a million unwavering voters.
In 1999 Muluzi had 2,442,68552.34, (2.5 million votes) Gwanda Chakuamba had 2,106,79045.21 (2.1 million votes)
In 2004 Bingu had 1,195,586, (1.2 million votes) John Tembo had 937,965 (lets round it up to 1 million votes) Gwanda had 836,118 (Eight hundred thousand votes).

Bakili Muluzi
Former President Bakili Muluzi Image copyright Getty Images Image caption

Now you know that in 2004, MCP had two camps. That of Tembo, representing the MCP and that of Gwanda in the Mgwirizano coalition. But even in this scenario, you can see that MCP had its loyalists intact, about a million votes.

And you can easily tell and even speculate that were it not for the division in the party, Gwanda’s votes and Tembo’s votes, would have been one and the same and that their votes would have surpassed that of Bingu.
In other words, their division, in turn, divided the votes. Still MCP, maintained the number of its diehards.

Bingu WA Mutharika
Late Bingu Wa Mutharika; believed to have stashed billions in foreign banks

In 2009 Bingu had 2,963,820 and John Tembo had 1,365,672.  Remember that this was the time when DPP was at its helm because of Bingu’s development agenda, which had seen him constructing roads in Ntchisi, Mchinji and other areas considered strongholds of MCP. Yet, at this crucial time in history,

John Tembo
John Tembo retired from active party Politics

had over a million votes.

In 2014 Peter had 1,904,399 and Lazarus had 1,455,880.
MCP has always come second. MCP has always maintained its loyalist. You may ask why? Here is the answer. MCP has been in existence longer than any party in Malawi. It has roots. Roots which are based on 1. Culture, 2. Party structures. 3. Leadership. 4. Religion.  The same could be said about Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and United Democratic Front (UDF) by the way.
From our general election mathematics, we can be assured that MCP has maintained the number of say a million voters from when we started voting. It has stood the test of time and has now gained its grounds.
Each time we vote, the winner does not go far above 2 million votes.
Now look.  DPP is still a force to reckon. It will not be wrong to assume that they will get more than eight hundred thousand votes in 2019.
The former Malawi leader Joyce Banda’s  People’s Party (PP) is still a force to reckon, and is UDF.
Question is, where will UTM get the votes? Without structures and an institution to lean on?
What UTM will do is to divide the DPP votes. The scenario will be much the same like the Gwanda and John Tembo scenario in 2004.  This gives MCP an opportunity to make the best use of its unwavering supporters, which are over a million. Plus those who are generally disgruntled with DPP and those associated with it.
What UTM will also do is to vindicate Chakwera and MCP who was the first party president, in a sense, to talk without fear about corruption, nepotism, and the economical oppression of the masses.
This is not to say that Chilima will not have votes. He will. But based on our voting trends, it will be difficult for him to surpass both MCP and DPP.
He comes to weaken DPP and to validate the people fear and disgust with the economic oppression which has partly been engineered by the past rulers, and more so by the current government.
Where will Chilima get the votes from? it’s  a question that has been bothering me.