Which political party will organize a jamboree in the name of a Convention when people are daily being massacred across the country? Which political association will fail to honour its agreement with teachers thus leading to the closure of all government-owned universities and then turn around to gather the students together in a stadium, taunting them as leaders of tomorrow when they have no idea of how long they will spend in the university? Which political party will ban the best avenue (Twitter) for the youths to do business and engage themselves productively only to lift the suspension in order to aid its selfish electioneering campaigns? I know you know the answer to these harmless questions. Last week I dwelt on the failure of the Peoples Democratic Party in opposition. Let me now focus on the ruling party.

The All Progressives Congress was formed as a political party on February 6, 2013, being a merger of the Action Congress of Nigeria, Congress for Progressive Change and All Nigeria People’s Party, in anticipation of the 2015 general elections. It was not making any headway as a viable alternative to the ruling Peoples Democratic Party, until it succeeded in wooing some prominent but disgruntled members of the PDP, then christened newPDP. Since its victory at the polls, it has been a case of wobbling and fumbling, for the party of strange bedfellows, now struggling to retain power.

The documented ideology of the APC as a centre-left party is Federalism, Progressivism, Social Liberalism and Social Democracy. It had no choice but these ideals as that was the only way it could win the sympathy of voters at the time in 2015. The APC would then proceed to enthral Nigerians with a catalogue of promises rolled into a very attractive but deceptive manifesto, as a binding covenant for implementation upon assumption of office. Given the lacklustre performance of the previous administration, hopes were high indeed, that the APC would be a party of true change, but it didn’t take too long, for Nigerians to notice some foot-dragging when six months after its inauguration, the APC government could not constitute its main cabinet and governance was dragging and the economy was bleeding seriously. Unknown to many, this was only but the tip of the iceberg.

Generally, the political ideology of the APC is slightly pro-masses, favouring a strong and active role in government regulation. The thinking then was that since a good number of its political leaders subscribed to the social democratic political philosophies of Obafemi Awolowo and the socialist and anti-class views of Aminu Kano, the masses would benefit from the government of the APC, whose political support base was mainly in the South-West and Northern parts of Nigeria. Prior to the 2015 general elections, the APC was known mainly for its sloganeering and frequent chorusing of fiscal federalism, restructuring, devolution of powers, state police, resource control and other populist policies of social nationalism. But this was mostly chanted by its national leader Bola Tinubu, as its main presidential candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, cleverly avoided these cores issues. It has since turned out indeed that the CPC wing of the APC is less inclined to the idea of true federalism and devolution of powers.

Months rolled by and years started counting, but nothing seemed to be changing for the ordinary Nigerian, as promised by the APC. To be sure, the main agenda of the APC into the 2015 election was restructuring, as stated clearly in its manifesto thus:

“THE CONSTITUTION

Initiate action to amend our Constitution with a view to devolving powers, duties and responsibilities to states and local governments in order to entrench true Federalism and the Federal spirit.”

In this short covenant of the APC is the mandate for restructuring, which made many Nigerians rally around the party in 2015 and 2019, with the expectation of true change, from the known status quo. The three cardinal issues in this manifesto of the APC are (1) Constitutional Amendment; (2) Devolution of Powers; and (3) True Federalism.

The APC betrayed Nigerians upon assuming power, given that the leading lights of its CPC wing, Muhammadu Buhari and Nasir El-Rufai, were not inclined toward this agenda and since the CPC controlled the APC in the real power equation, the idea would soon hit the rocks. The President lashed back at his own people and rubbished the APC manifesto, by describing the proponents of restructuring as lazy people, effectively silencing the radical wing of the so-called progressive party.

Sensing the internal contradictions that would later rock the APC, the newPDP wing outsmarted the leaders and took control of the National Assembly, signalling the beginning of the end of a once-promising party. It was only a matter of time before the APC self destruct. Its founding chairman, Odigie-Oyegun, was up in arms with the governors, most of who wanted to control their domains in the states, to be able to cover up their tracks when out of office. Whereas it paraded a national leader in its ACN wing, the CPC wing ensured that it was not documented on record as such, and would later contest that nomenclature as inconsistent with the office of the President. Meanwhile, the opportunist policy of “president for everybody and for nobody”, would soon begin to hurt the party, as this led to mini emperors in various segments of the APC, all of whom were now taking advantage of the President’s desperation to retain power. The founding Chairman had to pay the ultimate price and soon became a casualty of intense political power play. The same fate befell his successor, who despite his trumpeted revolutionary background, was booted out of power in a daylight coup organized by the President right inside Aso Villa.

The consequence of this was that the APC lost focus, it became a party without a goal in mind, unable to assert or proclaim any specific principle or ideology, at times even grovelling to absorb the very people that it had pilloried and lampooned as thieves and corrupt leaders. So it was that the APC died a natural death, and became a dumpsite for power mongers and avengers. The economy has paid dearly for it, the political space has become turbulent and things are falling apart, without any centre at all. In the scheme of things presently, nobody is sure of anything within the APC, which succeeded largely as an opposition party but has failed woefully as a party in power. The APC just wanted power for the sake of it, still blaming the opposition PDP even after about seven painful years in office. All friends and associates of the President are contesting for one office or the other, without first complying with the new law enacted to govern the elections.

Perhaps because it had not tasted power at the federal level, the APC has become overwhelmed with the burden of governance, always latching on to the ‘wasteful 16 years of PDP’, as if that alone should earn it a third term in office. Unable to satisfy Nigerians why there is still perennial blackout after seven years in office, the APC would deny that it ever promised an uninterrupted supply of electricity, with the Minister of Power chiding Nigerians to stop expecting power supply from the government since the power supply chain had been privatized. Meanwhile, the killings assumed a new dimension, with the damning Amnesty International report showing cases of compromise by security agencies. At the last count, terrorists have become more emboldened, now overrunning military and police barracks, shooting down aircraft, bombing trains and blocking major roads. The insecurity in the land got to its peak when even military men became targets of the insurgents and the governor of the President’s home state of Katsina cried out that bandits had taken over the entire state. Huge sums of money have been wasted to procure sensitive military equipment that we are told cannot be used and the court has since declared the aggressors as terrorists but the APC government cannot summon the courage to term them so in any official gazette, name them publicly or even dare try them in court.

To the APC, Nigerians should see good governance as a privilege and be grateful to God that APC fielded Muhammadu Buhari for elections at all, expecting that his name alone should pay the school fees of their children, put food on their tables and transform their lives completely, whereas it has now been reported that about 80 million Nigerians live below the poverty index. The economy is so bad that even the affluent have become a victim. What of education? Better summarized with the current strike by university teachers, which has shut the gates of tertiary education in all public schools across the country. Can you hail the APC for the judicial sector? Court orders are disobeyed at random, the President himself stated that the judiciary is his headache and that he has not succeeded in office because of the ‘system’, referring to due process of law and democratic principles. Do we talk about the aviation sector, where even the government itself misled Nigerians on its so-called air carrier and foreign airlines are to charge for tickets in dollars?

In the political arena, the APC took Nigeria to the era of inconclusive elections, which in truth is symptomatic of any election in which the ruling party suspects it may not win, using INEC to buy time to manipulate the outcome in its favour. We still have vote-buying, intimidation of voters and re-run elections all over the place. And even in the coming elections, there is so much uncertainty and confusion. What about human rights and opposition politics? Better explained with the encounter of the Shiites with the military, the bitter experiences of IPOB and the hounding of Sunday Igboho into exile while terrorists hold sway. There is so much hunger, insecurity, uncertainty and anger, all over the land, to suggest that the APC is just a misadventure in governance.

So, the questions to ask are these: Are we safer now than before? Are we richer now than before? Do we have a better electricity supply now than before? Do we now organize more free, fair and credible elections than before? Are we as a people, more united in tribes and tongues or faith? Are our rights and freedoms better protected now than before?

Let me call in aid another APC sympathiser, Pastor Tunde Bakare, to answer some of these questions:

“What many people are saying is that there was corruption under Jonathan, yes, but life was better. At least we were able to get this, but this man cornered all the money, locked it up…. The allegations by the Nigerian public are that those around the president are also stealing, and some names have been mentioned. You cannot be a clean man surrounded by rogues. If you don’t deal with those rogues, they would colour you with the same tar.”

That is APC, a complete power failure.

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Pursuant to the powers to exercise the prerogative of mercy vested in the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in Section 175 (1—6) of the 1999 Constitution the Federal Government last week granted state pardon to two former state governors, Rev Jolly Nyame of Taraba State and Senator Joshua Dariye of Plateau State, along with 157 others. The effect of pardon amounts to the nullification of punishment or consequences of a crime and conviction. The person is fully restored as if he never committed the offence in the first place. It is perhaps for this reason that Justice John Marshall in US v. Wilson (1833) describes a state pardon “as an act of grace”. The President of Nigeria grants pardon as a prerogative or an act of discretion to correct perceived injustice, wrongful punishment or judicial excesses and this could be a tricky point given the salience of the doctrine of separation of powers. The easiest defence however is for the government to hide under the cover of public policy, or the fact that no law is broken when a state pardon is granted since it is a constitutional function. The only caveat is found in Section 175 (5) which requires the President to seek the advice of the Council of State and Section 175 (6) which asks the President to act “in accordance with the advice of the Council of State.” In Nigeria, the power to grant pardon is vested in the President with regard to federal offences (section 175) and in State Governors in respect of state offences (Section 212). A pardon is not the same as amnesty which is granted before prosecution, as seen under the Presidency of late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua when he granted amnesty to Niger Delta militants nor is a state pardon a form of judicial review as defined for now under Nigerian law.     

Nigeria has a fairly long history of state pardons. In 1966, before the civil war, the Yakubu Gowon regime pardoned Chief Obafemi Awolowo, leader of the Action Group, and former Premier of the defunct Western Region, and Chief Anthony Enahoro, journalist and politician, who first moved the motion for Nigeria’s Independence in 1953, both of whom had been convicted of treasonable felony in 1963. President Shehu Shagari pardoned General Yakubu Gowon to nullify the accusation that he was involved in the 1975 Bukar Dimka coup that led to the assassination of General Murtala Muhammed. The same Shagari administration pardoned the Biafran leader, Odimegwu Ojukwu, for leading the Biafran secession between 1967 and 1971. General Babangida granted pardon to Nduka Irabor and Tunde Thompson, two journalists with the Nigerian Guardian newspapers who were jailed under the draconian Decree 4 imposed by the Muhammadu Buhari regime. General Abdusalami Abubakar pardoned then General Olusegun Obasanjo who was convicted of involvement in a coup plot by the Abacha regime. President Obasanjo pardoned a former Speaker of the House of Representatives. In 1999, Salisu Buhari was convicted for forging his certificate- the famous Toronto scandal. His sins were later officially forgiven. In March 2013, President Goodluck Jonathan granted pardon to former Governor of Bayelsa State, Chief Diepreye S. Alamieyeseigha along with Lt. General Oladipo Diya (rtd.), Major-General Abdulkarim Adisa (rtd), former Managing Director of Bank of the North, Shettima Bulama, In April 2020, the Buhari administration granted pardon to former Governor of old Bendel State, Prof. Ambrose Alli, Chief Anthony Enahoro, Col. Moses Effiong, Major E.J. Olanrewaju, Babalola Ajayi and 44 others. 

Presidential pardons have been controversial in Nigeria. The general public often subjects the pardoned persons list to rigorous scrutiny, with questions usually raised about the criteria for determining who gets pardoned and who does not. This stems from the concern that it is often the privileged and well-connected members of society who have run foul of the law that are often ever so lucky. Even if this may not be completely true, the point is well made that a President with monarchical powers or a state governor seeking political patronage may exercise the powers of pardon without restraint, resulting in abuse. There are also moral and emotional concerns. In this regard, perhaps the most controversial pardon granted so far in contemporary Nigerian history would be that of Chief DSP Alamieyeseigha who escaped from the arms of the law in the United Kingdom, only to return to a hero’s welcome in Nigeria and the subsequent nullification of all the sins he was alleged to have committed against the people of Bayelsa state. The pardon that was granted him by the Jonathan administration in 2013 was seen as an act of affront by both local and foreign analysts. Alams, as he was known, was accused of having corruptly enriched himself with the resources of Bayelsa state. What was overlooked in this particular case was that the pardon for Alamieyesiegha, initiated by President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and later effected by President Jonathan was conditional. President Yar’Adua had involved Alams in the amnesty process in the Niger Delta with a promise that in appreciation of his contributions to the cause of peace and stability in that troubled part of Nigeria, he would be granted pardon. Sometimes the trigger of controversy may simply be a blatant error on the part of the authorities as in the case of the April 2020 pardon of Chief Anthony Enahoro. Enahoro was convicted and sentenced in September 1963. He was pardoned by the Gowon regime in August 1966. He went on to become a Federal Commissioner for Information and Labour in 1967. To pardon him a second time was a loud demonstration of absent-mindedness, and to think the pardon was duly gazetted. Some government officials failed to check the records!

Controversial pardons are not limited to Nigeria. However, in the United States where the pardoning process is as in Nigeria, vested in the President, the history of pardons has been more acrimonious. Just to cite a few examples: On September 8, 1974, President Gerald Ford granted a full and unconditional pardon to former President Richard Nixon over his involvement in the Watergate scandal that led to his unceremonious resignation from office and any crime that he may have committed as President. Many Americans felt that the pardon was undeserved. It was a controversial decision but Ford stood his ground. He paid a heavy price for that. His popularity rating dropped. Similarly, in 1983, President Bill Clinton’s pardon of millionaire Marc Rich was generally considered too oily a bargain. On his last day in office on January 20, 2001, President Clinton announced more controversial pardons including left-wing Patty Hearst, Susan Rosenberg and Linda Evans. He also pardoned his own half-brother, Roger Clinton who was convicted of drug trafficking! His last day in office has been described as “pardongate” – a total of 140 pardons! Clinton was known for inciting public outrage with his pardons as was the case when he chose to commute the sentences of 16 FALN terrorists in 1999. His own wife, Hillary Clinton voted against the decision when it was tabled before the Senate but the President could not be stopped because he held the power of discretion to grant pardons. The whole idea of presidential pardon in the American system, a hold-over from the British system was first proposed at the 1787 Constitutional Convention by Alexander Hamilton but over the years, there have been fears about how such absolute power, resting on the discretion of one man could be abused, and indeed in his last days in office, it was thought that President Donald Trump could grant himself a pardon in advance to protect himself legally from the fall-outs of the January 6, 2021 insurrection at the US Capitol. President Trump tried to meet Clinton’s record, if he did not surpass it. In the final hours of his Presidency, Trump granted 70 pardons to mostly financiers and lobbyists, and executive clemency/commutations to 73 others.  

Back to Nigeria, it should in fact not be surprising that so much outrage has greeted the announcement of pardon to two former governors – Dariye and Nyame. Those who have commented on the list are not necessarily bothered about the 157 others, but the two former governors. The sentiments expressed so far are similar to the reactions that attended the pardon of Chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha in 2013. Like him, Nyame and Dariye were accused of corruptly enriching themselves at public expense. Dariye, Plateau State Governor (1999 -2007) was charged with money laundering (N1.16 billion). His matter went from the High Court all the way to the Supreme Court, at the end of which he was sentenced to 14 years imprisonment by the High Court; this was later reduced to 10 years by the Court of Appeal, and his conviction was finally upheld by the Supreme Court. Rev Jolly Nyame, Governor of Taraba State (1999-2007) was sentenced to 12 years imprisonment. And now both men have been freed, completely without conditions. A pardon may be with or without conditions. Theirs is without any. Femi Falana, SAN, Jubrin Sam Okutepa, SAN, Governor Nyesom Wike, Reno Omokri and a host of others have argued that this is a form of endorsement of corruption coming from a government that says one of its cardinal tasks was to fight corruption. In his Easter homily on April 17, Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah of the Catholic Diocese of Sokoto says there are many innocent people languishing inside Nigeria’s “broken system” who should also be freed. His words: “I thank the President for accepting the report of the Committee on the Prerogative of Mercy and granting pardon to over 150 Nigerians serving various terms of imprisonment. The more serious challenge is to immediately free all innocent Nigerians who are held captive and whose only crime is that they are living in Nigeria.” Mike Ozekhome, SAN in an informed commentary on the matter argues that the crux of the matter is that “granting pardon to people convicted of corrupt practices, whether still serving or having served, may be construed as tacit approval of such corrupt practices.”

 He argues further that the Council of State arrived at the endorsement of the pardon in error because the two former governors committed the offences for which they were convicted under state law, the Penal Code Act and not under Federal legislation, and to that extent, the appropriate person to grant them pardon would seem to be the governors of their respective states under Section 212 of the 1999 Constitution. He asks: “where lies the justice for the impoverished people of Plateau and Taraba states who will now watch their tormentors stroll out with red carpet treatment?” Incidentally, it is not only lawyers and civil society activists that have expressed shock. It has been reported that even the officials of the anti-corruption agency, the EFCC and their lawyers are alarmed and demoralized. The agency reportedly spent 11 years and millions of Naira on the investigation and prosecution of the two former governors, and now both men are free. They have been cleansed of their sins. Rivers Governor, Nyesom Wike says the judges who convicted both men have been exposed to ridicule, and that the pardon is politically motivated – Nyame and Dariye are members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).  

The strongest objection that has been put up is the impression that has now been created that the state protects the rich and that the poor in Nigeria has nothing to regret more than their powerlessness and lack of connections. Hence, Femi Falana, SAN observes: “A Nigerian was jailed for stealing noodles in Abuja, he was not granted state pardon. If you want to pardon your friends, you must extend that pardon to other people in the spirit of equity and fairness.” Falana wants all thieves in prison to be pardoned – in other words, what is good for the big thief should be good also for smaller thieves.   

The reality check in all of this is that the deed is done and the President is unlikely to reverse himself. Ozekhome raises a cogent question about the people of Plateau and Taraba. I am surprised he overlooks the fact that some people in both states, including incumbent Governor Simon Lalong of Plateau, and even Governor Samuel Ortom of Benue State have been thanking President Buhari for pardoning their kinsmen. The same people will organize a hero’s welcome for the two former governors. The effect of their unconditional pardon, after all, is that they have become new men – novus homo! As the political parties prepare for their presidential primaries, it is not impossible that these same men could show up as political candidates – for Senate or Vice-President or even President! The other point made by Ozekhome, with due respect, is to be seen as part of the crisis of federalism in the country. It is true that the two governors committed offences under state law, but the affected states never investigated or prosecuted them. It was the Federal Government as an interloper that did, and so, the Council of State acted according to the process in place.  

Beyond the moral anger that has been displayed, we should be more concerned about how to prevent the abuse of presidential pardon to ensure that the main beneficiaries are not the rich and mighty and that the near-absolute powers exercised by the President are curtailed to prevent a situation whereby pardons go more to friends of the ruling party or kinsmen and political associates. The Council of State, created by Section 153 (1)(b) of the 1999 Constitution, and which is referred to in an obligatory sense in Section 175 (5) and (6) is more of a ceremonial or advisory body. Its members have no powers to overrule the President in respect of state pardon, in the same manner in which the Legislature can challenge the President or the judiciary can question Executive powers by defining what the law is. The power of a President to grant pardon, while an act of benevolence, is rather slippery. He is, in any case, the Chairman of the Council of State. In order to develop our Constitutional framework further, the judiciary should be involved in the pardoning process to check arbitrariness, reduce the scope of discretion, and to ensure that there is a judicial review of the pardon list to bring it more in conformity with the laws of the land and the end of justice. But should this appear as if the judiciary is being brought into the fray to become a judge in its own case, then the Council of State should be given more powers to be part of the process of determining the pardon list, instead of being brought in at the last minute to rubber-stamp an Executive decision.  

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“Those who divided Nigeria with their mouths are the ones now accusing President Buhari”
Femi Adesina’s recent comment on the personality of highly revered Bishop Kukah is on the least Silly, sarcastic, senseless, discourteous and above all, fool hardy.

I remember vividly the WEEKEND CONCORD NEWSPAPER in the eighties. I remember some bright Journalists under the able editorial leadership of the famous Mike Awoyinfa. One of the notable reporters then was Femi Adesina, who is currently the Special Adviser on Media to President Buhari. By the nomenclature of his appointment, he is expected to project, and defend the activities of Mr President. But unfortunately, Mr Adesina has gone overboard to become overzealous for Mr President.He is now a mere stooge in the hands of his pay master to the detriment of the Nation he was appointed to serve.He has assigned to himself an additional responsibility of playing dirty games just to impress his master. He has lost sight of the fact that the country comes first, but he has reduced his national responsibility to one man show. He cares less about the nation, only Buhari matters to him. What a shame.
Lets look at it with one track mind, what has Adesina done all these past years in office? Nothing but outright display of cloud washing and complete dishonesty. Honesty is Paramount when it comes to good public relation. You cannot afford to lie. Well, you can, but you won’t get far and your reputation will be totally destroyed. This is glaring today in Adesina’s case.
For sure, this is a different Adesina, a young man with innocent appearance, although, Shakes Spear counseled that appearance could be very receptive because there is no act to find the minds construction in the face. Adesina fits perfectly into Shakes Spear line of thought. He is soft spoken and gentle, yet. he is a green snake under the green grass at Also Rock. Who could have thought that the Adesina we considered “A MAN OF INTEGRITY” just a few years ago as Editor in Chief, and Managing Director of the SUN Newspapers would this dark days of our nation be an agent of darkness?
Adesina is a man that has lost all senses of decorum to become so disgusting, repulsive, and unpatriotic public relations boy for the government in power. Power has changed him, Money has changed him, and Fame has also changed him. This is certainly not the Adesina we thought we knew.
One thing is clear which Adesina must have forgotten, that is, power is very transient. So, very soon, he will vacate his present position, and when it happens, where would he turn his face, where will he find relevance again in the country. Why would Adesina eat up his future so raveciously, why didn’t he choose to buy his future instead. If a man looses money, he has actually lost nothing, if a man looses power, he has lost nothing, but if a man looses INTEGRITY, then he has lost everything.
Adesina has lost it all, let him continue to wallow in his foolishness and dance non stop to the Also Rock music of shame. But very soon, the evil drums at Ask Rock will stop, and unfortunately, Adesina will be left high and dry on shores of our society, and suddenly he will realise just too late that he has lost it all.
Dr Charles Okhai, President, Nigerian Association of Christian Journalists (NACJ).

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