Mali’s military government has suspended all political activities across the country “until further notice”.
The decree signed on Wednesday by transitional president, General Assimi Goita, cited “reasons of public order” and applies to both parties and organisations.
It was issued a few days after a rare pro-democracy rally and ahead of a planned protest on Friday against the junta which has ruled the country since coups in 2020 and 2021.
Hundreds of activists last weekend defied government threats and demonstrated in the capital, Bamako, against a bill recommending the dissolution of all political parties.
“I’m not surprised, I expected this because this is their way of preventing us from carrying out our activities, but we will continue to defend democracy in Mali,” said one of its leaders, Cheick Oumar Doumbia.
Civil society figures, political parties, and labour leaders have called for “a rapid and credible return to constitutional order through the organisation of transparent, inclusive, and peaceful elections.
The junta originally committed to holding elections in February 2022, but that timeline has been pushed back several times.
This is not the first time the military government has suspended the activities of political parties on the eve of important decisions.
In April 2024, it announced a suspension ahead of an “inter-Malian dialogue” that called for the transition period to be extended from two to five years.
Last year Mali formed a new partnership known as the Alliance of Sahel States, together with Burkina Faso and Niger, after military leaders in the three countries quit the West African bloc, ECOWAS.
Some analysts described it as an attempt to legitimise their military governments amid coup-related sanctions and strained relations with neighbours.
All three have cut ties with former colonial power, France, and are instead building partnerships with Russia.
For more than a decade, Mali has faced attacks by armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and the Islamic State organisation, and the threat has been growing.
This Week: U.S. Influence in Africa, EU-Zimbabwe Trade, and Uganda’s Tea Crisis
This week, our guest, historian Amzat Boukari-Yabara, revisits the intensifying American influence in Africa, spanning energy and mining projects. Meanwhile, the European Union seeks to strengthen its trade ties with Zimbabwe, and in Uganda, the tea industry is reeling from a pricing crisis.
Africa and the U.S.’s Multidimensional Strategy
As major powers vie for access to Africa’s strategic resources, the United States is deploying a complex strategy that blends economic investments, security cooperation, and diplomatic mediation. This approach aims not only to secure energy and mineral supplies but also to counter the growing influence of China and Russia on the continent.
Nigeria-Morocco Pipeline: An Energy and Geopolitical Keystone
The Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline project (5,660 km, $25 billion) perfectly illustrates this strategy. Actively supported by Washington, this mega-project serves several strategic goals: reducing Europe’s dependence on Russian gas, countering Chinese advances—with the Jingye Group already supplying construction materials—and bolstering American influence. “There has been a reshaping of energy stakes since the war in Ukraine,” explains historian Amzat Boukari-Yabara, noting how the U.S. is exploiting Europe’s new vulnerabilities.
DR Congo: Mining Wealth and Instrumentalized Instability
In the Democratic Republic of Congo, U.S. strategy reveals its contradictions. On one hand, companies like KoBold Metals (backed by Bill Gates and Jeff Bezos) are making major investments in cobalt and copper extraction. On the other, Washington offers conditional military support in the east of the country while positioning itself as a mediator in the conflict with Rwanda. “We are witnessing the monetization of instability,” Boukari-Yabara warns, highlighting “a U.S. ability to exert diplomatic, commercial, and security blackmail.” This approach peaks with opaque negotiations involving Rwanda over Congolese resources, which “tend to perpetuate the crisis in eastern Congo.”
Kenya and Rare Earths: A Strategic Partnership
In Kenya, the U.S. is strengthening partnerships around rare earths, which are essential for the energy transition. This push is part of a global race for critical minerals, where Washington seeks to close the gap with Beijing. It also comes alongside a military repositioning in the region, particularly in the Sahel after France’s withdrawal.
Questionable Tactics
Recent American initiatives raise concerns about respect for African sovereignty. The most striking example is Trump’s proposal to recognize Somaliland in exchange for accepting Palestinian refugees. For Boukari-Yabara, these “deal-making negotiations” reflect a purely transactional view of relations with Africa.
In the face of this aggressive policy, the historian calls for an urgent, unified continental response: “We need to create transnational industries and resolve the CFA franc issue.” His call for unity resonates, as “all these resources directly concern the U.S. in its global vision.” The key question remains whether African countries can turn this new geopolitical rivalry into a genuine opportunity for sovereign development.
Zimbabwe: Toward Strengthened Trade Ties with the EU?
As the United States reduces its aid to many African countries, the European Union is revising its strategy on the continent—particularly in Zimbabwe. Brussels is moving from the role of donor to co-investor, offering duty- and tax-free access to its market. France is supporting local agricultural SMEs, and the Netherlands already imports Zimbabwean fruits and steel.
This renewed European trade push comes amid a tense political climate. The recent NGO law (PVO Bill), deemed repressive by civil organizations, has sparked concern. Nevertheless, the EU hopes Zimbabwean businesses will seize the opportunity.
A report by Keith Baptist.
Uganda: Tea Industry in Peril Amid Price Collapse
Uganda’s tea industry is undergoing an unprecedented crisis. Tea prices have dropped significantly, averaging just $0.79 per kilo—far below the more than $2 fetched by Kenyan and Rwandan teas. This sharp price drop has led many farmers to abandon tea in favor of more profitable crops such as maize and bananas.
Victoria Ashabahebwa, director of Swazi Tea Co. LTD, notes that more than a million Ugandans depend on tea for their livelihood. Declining tea quality, high production costs, and a lack of government support are all contributing factors. Farmers and processors have called on the government to invest in the sector and rescue an industry that was once thriving—but so far, no official response has been given.
Thousands of people rallied in Burkina Faso’s capital, Ougadougou, on Wednesday in support of transitional President Captain Ibrahim Traoré.
With placards in hand and whistles blowing, they were angry over remarks made by the head of United States’ military in Africa, General Michaël Langley.
Earlier this month, he accused Traoré of using the country’s mining resources to benefit the junta instead of the people.
Burkinabé musician, Ocibi Joan, who came to the protest said Langley and especially “the predators” should stop lying.
“Burkina Faso is not against anyone, but we will no longer tolerate looting. The general is a liar. We own it, we use it whenever we want, and sell it to whomever we want,” he said.
Demonstrator Haroun Sawadogo said that “if they want to eliminate Captain Traoré, they should eliminate the people first”.
“What we experienced in the 1987 [assassination] will not be repeated. What happened to Captain Sankara will not happen to Captain Traoré. We will go all the way to defend our President.”
The rally comes days after the military authorities said they’d uncovered what they described as a “plot” to overthrow the government.
Several members of parliament attended the gathering including Prime Minister Jean Emmanuel Ouédraogo.
He told the crowd that the time had come to “never again kneel before the world”.
“May the people of Burkina Faso free themselves once and for all, and may the people of the Sahel free themselves permanently,” he said.
The demonstrators came from across the country in what was the biggest show of support for the junta since Traore seized power in a September 2022 coup.
The landlocked countries of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have endorsed an initiative by Morocco to give them access to the Atlantic Ocean, the Moroccan Ministry of Foreign Affairs said.
The foreign ministers of the three military-ruled West African nations shared their countries positions during a meeting Monday with King Mohammed VI in Rabat, the capital of Morocco, according to a ministry statement.
The three-nation block of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger announced last year that they were leaving the regional bloc known as ECOWAS. They then created their own security partnership, known as the Alliance of Sahel States, severed military ties with longstanding Western partners such as U.S. and France, and turned to Russia for military support.
In December 2023, Morocco announced a trade initiative to facilitate Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger’s access to the Atlantic Ocean using Moroccan ports after ECOWAS imposed trade restrictions on the the three junta-led countries.
The foreign ministers of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger reaffirmed their “full support for and commitment to accelerating its implementation,” during the royal meeting, the ministry said. The meeting comes at a time of growing tensions between Morocco’s regional rival Algeria and the Sahel states. Last month, Algeria says it shot down a Malian drone when it crossed into its air space near the border town of Tin Zaouatine. Mali denied the drone crossed the border.
A week after an attempted coup in Burkina Faso, the situation remains tense in Ouagadougou, particularly among the armed forces.
Local media indicate that a meeting scheduled on April 22 at the headquarters of the general staff, which was supposed to include several army officers, was postponed and then later cancelled as the invited officers failed to show up.
According to Radio France Internationale RFI, an influx of people was seen flocking to the Mogho Naaba palace, a traditional authority in Burkina Faso. Among those seen were army personnel and families of missing civilians, further signaling tension within the West African country.
A cabinet meeting also took place on April 24 at the presidential palace under high security, with sniffer dogs and helicopters seen flying around the area during the meeting.
Some military camps were also placed under high supervision. Military vehicles were seen placed at the entrance of the General Baba Sy military camp in the southern part of the capital.
The government of Captain Ibrahim Traore has now called for massive demonstrations on April 30 in support of the regime. Their main objective is to condemn “Western interference,” especially after recent accusations by U.S. General Michael Langley of diverting the country’s gold reserves to support its own security.
Burkina Faso’s military government said on April 22 that it had foiled a “major plot” to overthrow the country’s junta leader, Captain Ibrahim Traoré.
The military government first gained knowledge of the plot when it intercepted communications between a high-ranking Burkinabé military officer and terrorist leaders.
Security Minister Mahamadou Sana said on state television that plotters included current and former soldiers, as well as terrorists. He cited Captain René David Ouédraogo as one of the soldiers who rallied to the plan. Ouédraogo is currently on the run.
The coup attempt aimed to “sow total chaos, and place the country under the supervision of an international organisation”, Sana said. Plotters had planned to swarm the presidential palace on 16 April 2025.
Burkina Faso, along with its neighbors Niger and Mali, has for over a decade battled an insurgency fought by jihadi groups, including some allied with al-Qaida and the Islamic State group.
Following military coups in all three nations in recent years, the ruling juntas have expelled French forces and turned to Russia’s mercenary units for security assistance. The three countries have vowed to strengthen their cooperation by establishing a new security alliance, the Alliance of Sahel States.
But the security situation in the Sahel, a vast region on the fringes of the Sahara Desert, has significantly worsened since the junta took power, analysts say, with a record number of attacks and civilians killed both by Islamic militants and government forces.
A report by the Timbuktu Institute think tank has indicated that the jihadist activities mainly by the JNIM Jihadi group, have expanded into the region of Kayes between 2021 and 2024.
According to the institute, the JNIM is now trying to infiltrate eastern Senegal as it has increased its attacks sevenfold in the past three years.
The Kaye region is a tri-border area of Mali, Mauritania and Senegal.
JNIM, an extremist group linked to al-Qaida, has orchestared dozens of attacks in the broader Sahel region that encompasses Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Benin and Chad.
Benin has been the latest victim with recent attack claiming the lives of at least 70 soldiers and has for years faced spillover violence in its north from Sahel countries like Burkina Faso and Niger in their battle against Islamic extremist groups.
The tri-border area has long been a hotbed for extremist violence, primarily concentrated around the W-Arly-Pendjari Complex.
The large national park spills over into all three countries and has become a launching pad for cross-border attacks by militants.
It is the responsibility of the people of the Sahel to free themselves from the current cycle of violence, by prioritizing peace, both as a human right and also a development goal
DAKAR, Senegal, September 21, 2020: If today Mali, Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad are painted red on the security maps of the world, it has nothing to do with the colour of its soil. As much as it pains me to write it, the terrorist threat is palpable, and the risks are real. In some countries, political stability lies in the balance, as we have seen from recent events. All this contributes to a level of insecurity in the region, and as we know where there is insecurity, there is under-development.
It is the responsibility of the people of the Sahel to free themselves from the current cycle of violence, by prioritizing peace, both as a human right and also a development goal. I am an optimist, and as someone who has spent the last few years in the countries of the Sahel, we are seeing huge strides, despite the negative news, to establish peace in the region. The people of the Sahel are not violent by nature. Throughout history they have shown an appetite for life and a thirst for knowledge. They may have gone through a dark passage this last decade, but as the saying goes, the darkest hour is just before the dawn. I believe that we are seeing some rays of sunlight.
Central to government priorities is to redefine and establish the role of the state. The state remains an important player and the only player capable of providing basic social services and security, without which human development is nothing but a dream. The private sector, whose role in development cannot be disputed, needs a legal and regulatory framework to thrive that only a functioning state can provide. The same goes for civil society.
This “strategic state” must be built in a pragmatic manner with a deep understanding of the local context; it cannot be a copy and paste of other models. We need to make use of local knowledge, local customs and involve religious and other leaders who play a critical role in their communities. Too often, they have been left to the side, in decision making and the development of solutions.
However, in order to be able to carry out its missions – such as establishing priorities where everything is a priority – the “strategic-state” will have to work with partners who have the knowledge, skills and capacity to execute what’s needed. Partnerships remain critical and what we have seen these last few years is that the Sahel has many friends and partners it can count on.
The other missing piece in the puzzle is our youth. They are the future, and the future of the Sahel is dependent on them, one way or another. The median age in the region is 16 years. They must therefore remain central of any action plans and must be seen as our greatest asset and our number one priority. There can be no peace with a disenchanted youth whose prospects are limited. Training them and giving them the possibility of hope is the biggest safeguard to peace.
Of course, the task is not easy, for the training of this youth is not an exclusively technical matter; it has an ethical and political dimension. There is no human capital that can be built without reference to a system of values.
As for the political dimension, it stems from the need to “defatalize” the future, to conceive of it not as a pre-destined result of the present, but rather as a rough diamond that can be polished and sculpted into something of significant value. Who better than the youth to help rethink and reshape our future?
To prepare for this better world, we have no choice but to invest massively in our young people. At the UNFPA, youth is at the centre of our programmes. Be it in promoting education, including the promotion of science and technology, investing in health, including areas concerning birth control and maternal mortality, helping produce a skilled workforce, but also a generation of entrepreneurs and a workforce with managerial capacities. Innovation does not happen in isolation. Like a flower that blooms it requires a complete ecosystem. And we must pay attention to the whole ecosystem, without which there will be neither peace nor development.
The same goes for the “values ??of discipline, determination, honesty, integrity, work ethic” advocated by the African Union’s Agenda 2063. On the strength of these convictions, UNFPA is committed to supporting young Sahelians who want to make today the 21st September, that is World Peace Day, as a day for hope. The flame they will light on this day that celebrates peace is the one that fuels, in every Sahelian, the hope of a better life, in a region reconciled with itself and open to the world.
UNFPA is committed to supporting the Sahelians on this journey. In Niamey, in November, we will be launching our report “Demography-Peace-Security in the Sahel”, that looks at the correlation between demography and that of peace and security, without which there is no development.
The Sahel, freed of arms and terror, is within our grasp. It is not a utopia or far-fetched dream. The region has proved resilient and has refused to give in to despair. A sustainable Sahel, where the arms will be silent forever, will need renewed focus where a strong and effective state will put its youth at its centre, giving them the hope and purpose for them to be what I call the pilgrims of hope, of a better and more prosperous future. This is the message that UNFPA sends to the Sahel on the occasion of this International Day of Peace.
Mabingué Ngomheads the UNFPA’s regional office for West and Central Africa.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of IC Publications.
Commonly, the Sahel stretches from Senegal on the Atlantic coast, through parts of Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, Chad and Sudan to Eritrea on the Red Sea coast. Culturally and historically, the Sahel is a shoreline between the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa.
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