Tag Archives: Julius Malema

Julius Malema and the Burden of the African Gavel

By Amb. Godfrey Madanhire

South Africa’s conviction and sentencing of Julius Malema in KuGompo City Magistrates’ Court in South Africa on the 16th of April 2026 has become one of those rare judicial moments that forces a nation to confront itself.

The charges were indeed severe: unlawful possession of a firearm, unlawful possession of ammunition, discharging a firearm in public, failure to take reasonable precautions to protect persons or property and reckless endangerment.

The court imposed five years’ imprisonment for the unlawful possession of a firearm, two years for the unlawful possession of ammunition and financial penalties for the remaining counts, each carrying the possibility of imprisonment if unpaid.

His legal team immediately filed an appeal, arguing that the court misapplied the law and misunderstood the context.

The matter now moves into the appellate courts but the deeper questions have already escaped the courtroom and entered the bloodstream of national debate.

The trial unfolded in a courtroom whose walls still carry the architectural memory of a legal order that once denied Black South Africans the dignity of personhood.

Into that space walked a man whose political identity is inseparable from the Pan‑Africanist project, a figure whose public life has been defined by a relentless insistence on Black African agency, land justice and economic emancipation.

Commentators across the country noted the visual tension: a prominent African nationalist standing before a white female magistrate in a courtroom shaped by a colonial legal tradition.

Analysts observed that the optics alone revived old questions about how justice is perceived when the accused is not merely an individual but a symbol, a constituency and a political temperature gauge.

These observations do not accuse the court of bias; they simply acknowledge that in South Africa, justice is never viewed in isolation. History sits in the room, uninvited but unavoidable.

The offence itself touches a national wound that bleeds quietly every day.

South Africa is a country where gunfire is not an abstraction but a lived trauma. Families bury sons and daughters lost to weapons that should never have been in civilian hands.

Illegal firearms circulate freely, and lawful firearms are too often misused.

The courts have repeatedly emphasised the need for deterrence in firearm‑related offences, recognising that a single moment of recklessness can destroy a life, ignite a conflict, or deepen a community’s grief.

Even when no one is physically harmed, the symbolic weight of firing a gun in a crowded space cannot be dismissed in a society where gunshots often signal fear, loss, and unresolved pain.

The case therefore sits within a broader judicial effort to confront a national crisis that has left too many South Africans living with the consequences of gun violence.

Earlier today, in the Northern Cape High Court in Upington, I sat through a sentencing process that revealed the same national wound from a different angle.

The court heard how John Ivan Francious Mouton used a firearm to kill two people and attempted to kill four more during a road‑rage eruption in Paballelo.

The Senior State Advocate, Mary-Ann Zureka Carmonita Engelbrecht described the incident as a near massacre, callous and a moment of such cold disregard for human life that the courtroom fell into a heavy silence.

The Presiding Officer, Judge Mamosebo imposed two life sentences and an additional ten years for each attempted murder.

It was a stark reminder that South Africa’s crisis with firearms is not theoretical. It is immediate, intimate and devastating.

From the Cape Flats where illegal guns carve through communities with relentless cruelty to the rural towns where disputes escalate into funerals, the country is living inside a storm of violence that the law is struggling to contain.

Yet sentencing is never a simple arithmetic of crime and punishment. It requires the court to weigh the personal circumstances of the offender and here the case becomes more complex.

Julius Malema is not an ordinary citizen. His words shape national discourse, his actions influence public sentiment and his political identity carries symbolic weight far beyond his individual biography.

The court, however, is required to treat him as an individual not a symbol. Some even argue that we should all be equal before the law.

This tension between legal individualism and political symbolism is not unique to South Africa.

When Kenya detained Raila Odinga in the 1980s, the law insisted on individual culpability, yet the public interpreted the trial as a confrontation between the state and a political identity.

When Zambia arrested Hakainde Hichilema in 2017, the charge sheet spoke of a single accused person, but the nation understood the case as a struggle over democratic space.

When Nigeria sentenced Ken Saro‑Wiwa in 1995, the legal framing was narrow, yet the world recognised the case as a battle over land, identity and environmental justice.

Across Africa, courts sentence individuals, but societies experience those sentences as collective events.

The interest of society, the second pillar of sentencing is equally contested. South Africa is not a single society but a multi-layered collection of histories, loyalties and lived experiences. For some, the sentence represents the rule of law asserting itself against reckless conduct.

For others, it raises questions about selective enforcement, political timing or the lingering shadows of institutional power.

The appeal process will determine the legal correctness of the conviction, but the public debate has already revealed the deeper fractures that the law alone cannot mend.

The gravity of the crime, the third pillar, must be understood not only in legal terms but in historical context.

Firearms in South Africa are not neutral objects. They carry the memory of apartheid policing, township resistance, political assassinations and the ongoing epidemic of violent crime.

A gunshot in a public space is never just a sound; it is an echo of a painful past and a warning about an uncertain future.

The court’s emphasis on deterrence reflects this reality. Yet the public’s interpretation of the sentence reflects another truth: justice in Africa is always interpreted through the lens of history.

What this case ultimately reveals is that Africa continues to navigate two justice philosophies at once. One is Western, rooted in retribution, deterrence and individual accountability.

The other is indigenous, rooted in restoration, communal balance and relational responsibility.

While these philosophies do not necessarily oppose each other, it should be noted that they rarely meet. The courtroom speaks the language of precedent; the community speaks the language of memory.

The law isolates the offender; society interprets the act as part of a larger narrative. The sentence becomes not only a legal outcome but a cultural negotiation.

As the appeal unfolds, the legal arguments will take centre stage, but the deeper question will remain: how does an African society pursue justice when its legal system is inherited, its political identity is evolving and its historical wounds are still tender.

Until this question is resolved, every high‑profile sentence will continue to reveal the same truth. Africa is still searching for a justice philosophy that reflects its own soul.

*Ambassador Godfrey Madanhire, Chief Operations Officer, Radio54 African Panorama, Pan-Africanist and Advocate for Sovereign African Governance,Director of Communications and Partnerships-AIGC

Malema slams ‘drama’ around Afrikaner migration to U.S: ‘It’s fiction’

In a recent interview with local dailies, the leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) Julius Malema vehemently denied claims of widespread violence towards the white farmers who are majorly the Afrikaners.

Malema termed the reports as “fiction” and “drama” as he also took a direct jab at the recent move by the United States to resettle 49 Afrikaners, refuting the stories as fake, calling them part of a larger media fabrication.

“There’s no one who has been killed here in South Africa. It’s not true,” Malema declared. “There are no 49 Afrikaners who have left South Africa. You all know that it’s fiction, it’s drama. America, when it comes to drama, is number one.”

President Donald Trump had initially told reporters that he’s admitting them as refugees because of the “genocide that’s taking place.” He said that in post-apartheid South Africa, white farmers are “being killed,” and he plans to address the issue with South African leadership next week.

That characterization has been strongly disputed by South Africa’s government, experts and even the Afrikaner group AfriForum, which says farm attacks are not being taken seriously by the government.

South Africa’s government says the U.S. allegations that the white minority Afrikaners are being persecuted are “completely false,” the result of misinformation and an inaccurate view of the country. It cited the fact that Afrikaners are among the richest and most successful people in the country.

Malema, on the other hand, denied media reports that the farmers were being attacked and if indeed they had moved to the United States, their land should be expropriated.

“If those people were farmers, it would mean there are 49 farms available,” Malema argued. “Why are we not expropriating them because they have abandoned them? But why is the media not telling us this? Why doesn’t the media, through its own investigation, tell us who the real farmers are?”

The EFF leader further called upon the International bodies including the United States warning them against using land issues to silence South Africans who are advocating for justice and equality.

“If those people were farmers, it would mean there are 49 farms available,” Malema argued. “Why are we not expropriating them because they have abandoned them? But why is the media not telling us this? Why doesn’t the media, through its own investigation, tell us who the real farmers are?”

The firebrand politician, who was expelled from South Africa’s then-ruling African National Congress party in 2012, has been calling for land reforms, a move that has attracted strong criticism from various bodies and foreign countries.

Source: Africanews

“Raila Odinga must concede defeat and drop Supreme court case”- dares Julius Malema

PRETORIA-(MaraviPost)-South African opposition politician Julius Malema has called on his Kenyan counterpart Raila Odinga to concede defeat to President-elect William Ruto after the August 2022 polls.

Malema who is Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party leader, observes that Odinga risks being remembered as a person who brought instability, and uncertainty to African governance.

Malema dares Odinga

“We call on Raila Odinga to accept the election’s outcome, and not form part of a tradition of causing instability, and uncertainty on African governance,” observes Malema

Malema further calls on Odinga to humble himself as a leader who believes in democracy.

“Odinga must humble himself, and form part of a government that will address the challenges confronting the people of Kenya, and not allow history to remember him as an individual who was desperate for power, at the cost of the progress of his nation.”

The South African leader also reveals he had shared a telephone conversation with President-Elect William Ruto and congratulated him for winning the election.

The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commision (IEBC) in Kenya announced Ruto as the outright winner of the polls conducted in the country few days ago and gazetted him as President-elect.

Odinga who was few votes behind Ruto says is against the results and recently moved the matter to court to challenge IEBC’s findings.

EXPOSED!!How RSA’EFF leader Julius Malema got a R5 million house using looted VBS funds

POLOKWANE-(MaraviPost)-South Africa opposition EFF leader Julius Malema has personally benefited from millions of rands that were channelled to a company exposed as his own slush fund.

A Sunday Times investigation last month revealed that Santaclara Trading, a company registered to Malema’s cousin, Jimmy Matlebyane, had received more than R4m in suspicious payments, in just seven months.

The money came from companies that looted VBS Mutual Bank, companies that did business with the government of Limpopo and from the EFF’s lawyers.

Today, we can reveal that after these monies were deposited into Santaclara’s Absa bank account, they were immediately channelled into three different accounts.

One account belongs to an upmarket restaurant in Soweto’s Vilakazi Street, and the others to two trust accounts, the Munzhedzi Family Trust and the Mazimbu Investment Trust, which are linked to Malema.

Funds transferred to the Munzhedzi Family Trust were used to bankroll a plush Sandown house, partly funded by a R5.5m bond from Absa.

The property was previously owned by the EFF. Munzhedzi is the name of Malema’s second son.

This is the same modus operandi Malema allegedly used to fund his lifestyle when he was president of the ANC Youth League.

Back then Malema used the Ratanang Family Trust, named after his first son, to fund his lifestyle. The trust had shares in On Point Engineering, a company that did business with the Limpopo provincial government. Malema was charged with corruption relating to the trust, but the charges were later withdrawn.

This week the National Prosecuting Authority revealed that it is investigating the Ratanang Family Trust and will charge three directors of On Point Engineering — Cuthbert Lesiba Gwangwa, Kagisho Dichaba and Thomas Rasethaba — with fraud in the awarding of a tender worth over R51m by the transport department.

With the Ratanang Family Trust under investigation, Malema has moved on and created a slush fund, Santaclara.

The Sunday Times can reveal that money from Santaclara found its way into the bank account of SUD, a restaurant managed by another Malema cousin, Tsholo Malema.

Santaclara is registered to Matlebyane, but SMS bank notifications relating to the account are sent to Malema’s phone number, people close to Malema said.

The Sandown home was bought on March 12 and registered with the deeds office on July 23 under the Munzhedzi Family Trust.

The EFF purchased the house in 2017 for R5.25m from Ovadia Eli. Malema lived in the house when it was still owned by Eli. It is not clear whether he paid rent.

The house is registered as the business address of Vuur Trading, of which Matlebyane is a director.

Malema declined to answer questions sent to him, saying only: “My family trust never received money from VBS, by the way.” He then questioned how this newspaper obtained “confidential information”.

“You seem to have illegally had access to confidential information. You tell me how you gained access to this information [and] if it is justifiable and legal, I will answer your questions,” he said.

“Hold us accountable with legally obtained documents, come back to me when you are prepared to share with me where you got this confidential information. Where did you get the confidential information? Bye.”

EFF spokesperson Mbuyiseni Ndlozi did not reply to questions about when the party decided to sell its property to its leader.

The Sunday Times last month reported that Santaclara submitted a “fraudulent” application for a home loan with VBS in 2017.

The company also received money from individuals, including Malema’s attorney Ian Levitt, who deposited R300,000.

Another generous contributor to Santaclara’s account was LTE Consulting, the company behind a controversial R2.2bn project to supply water to Limpopo, which deposited R200,000 into the account.

Grand Azania, EFF deputy president Floyd Shivambu’s slush fund, which received money from VBS, paid R500,000 to Santaclara.

A Sunday Times team visited SUD in Soweto, allegedly being run with funds from Santaclara early this month. It was a hive of activity, and staff said business is booming.

A source this week revealed how funds flow from Santaclara to the restaurant.

“Most of the money in Santaclara has gone into the SUD account, which is [in] the name of Julius Malema’s cousin, Tsholo,”

said the source, who asked to remain anonymous. “Not only that but most of SUD suppliers are paid via Santaclara. These include food suppliers and the like.”

Tsholo Malema denied knowledge of this. “I do not know what you are talking about so I cannot confirm what I do not know. I am confused,” said Tsholo. “SUD is on its own, it does not do business with Santaclara.”

Asked about the direct payments from Santaclara to SUD, Tsholo asked: “What accounts are those, sir?” She asked to be sent questions, to which she did not respond.

Santaclara not only bought Malema the Sandown home, it financed another house for Malema in Polokwane, Limpopo, for R3.3m.

For the Polokwane house, Malema used his cousin Matlebyane to apply for a VBS bond in October 2017.

In the application, he listed his income as R5,000 a month and his expenses as R2,400.

But later that same day, his loan application was “amended and redrafted” to state that he earned 30 times more than that and was thus well able to afford the R34,000 monthly bond repayments.

A VBS staff member allegedly fraudulently amended the loan application to reflect an income of R154,999 in order to get the bond approved.

Santaclara came to light because Matlebyane’s bond application was e-mailed to a VBS manager by another of Malema’s cousins, Phaleng Matsobane, who is the director of Mahuna Investments, believed to be another slush fund for Malema. Matlebyane did not respond when he was initially asked about Santaclara.

A Sunday Times photographer was confronted by armed security guards when he took pictures of the house.

“This is the CIC’s [commander-in-chief’s] house. Why are you taking pictures?” they shouted.

Source: celebgossip.co.za