When citizens cry and power don’t listen: Africa’s governance crisis

By David Lahai Johnny, Sierra Leone

Across Africa, citizens are no longer crying merely because they are poor; they are crying because they feel unheard, excluded, and repeatedly disappointed by institutions that should protect them. From Freetown to Nairobi, Abuja, Kampala, Maputo, and Tunis, the demand is clear and consistent:

1. Accountable leadership.
2. Affordable living
3. Employment for young people
4. Justice for victims of state violence and
5. Governments that listen before citizens are forced into the streets.

This account does not claim that every African leader, public servant, judge, journalist, police officer, or institution is corrupt or indifferent.

Africa also has courageous reformers, honest civil servants, independent judges, investigative journalists, civil society actors, community leaders, and young people working daily for positive change.

Nevertheless, the historical and current record reveals a painful pattern: when citizens demand dignity, some governments respond with force, arrests, censorship, delay, or silence rather than reform.

Sierra Leone: The Cry of August 2022.
On 10th August 2022, protests broke out in Freetown, Makeni, and Kamakwie after a fuel price increase of more than 20 percent worsened an already severe cost of living crisis. Citizens demanded economic relief, employment, fair prices, and protection from hardship. The government imposed a nationwide curfew from 3:00 p.m. and deployed security forces.

Amnesty International reported that more than 20 protesters and bystanders were killed, alongside six police officers, with allegations of excessive force by security personnel. A government Special Investigation Committee later reported that the Sierra Leone Police shot and killed 30 protesters, mostly unarmed young people, in Freetown, Makeni, and Kamakwie.

What makes this case especially painful is the absence of full accountability. Amnesty International stated that, as of October 2023, none of the civilian deaths had been investigated, while more than 515 people were arrested and prosecuted after the protests.

President Julius Maada Bio expressed condolences but described the protests as “terrorism,” while Vice President Mohamed Juldeh Jalloh condemned the demonstrators.
Citizens were not only mourning deaths; they were also asking why economic suffering had become so unbearable in a country rich in natural resources, fertile land, youthful talent, and human potential. A government that answers hunger with bullets may obtain temporary silence, but it risks losing public trust for generations.

Kenya: Gen Z Forces a National Reckoning
In June 2024, Kenya witnessed one of the most powerful youth led movements in modern African history. The Reject Finance Bill 2024 protests began against proposed tax increases under President William Ruto, but quickly became a wider demand against corruption, wasteful public spending, debt, unemployment, and political arrogance.

On 25th June 2024, protesters marched in Nairobi and stormed Parliament. The Kenya National Commission on Human Rights documented more than 50 deaths during the 2024 protests, with police using live ammunition and tear gas against unarmed demonstrators.

The pressure worked in one important respect: President Ruto withdrew the Finance Bill, dismissed cabinet ministers, and promised measures to reduce wasteful expenditure.

Yet the deeper lesson remained troubling: young Kenyans had to risk their lives before the state seriously listened. In June and July 2025, commemorative protests again faced lethal force; CIVICUS reported at least 65 deaths, more than 600 injuries, and over 1,500 arrests, with some protesters facing terrorism related charges.

Kenya’s experience proves that organised youth action can force policy reversals. It also proves that reform should not require bloodshed before leadership responds.

Nigeria: End Bad Governance and Economic Pain
On 1st August 2024, Nigerians began the End Bad Governance protests in Abuja, Lagos, and other cities. Their demands focused on hunger, inflation, unemployment, corruption, and the hardship caused by economic reforms.
The movement followed earlier Fearless October demonstrations in October 2024, when Nigerians again protested the cost of living and poor governance. Police detained hundreds of protesters and used tear gas to disperse crowds. In November 2024, Nigerian authorities charged 76 people, including children, with treason and incitement to commit a military coup after the August protests.

For many Nigerians, this raised a serious question: why should children and young people protesting hunger be treated as enemies of the state? President Bola Ahmed Tinubu inherited severe economic challenges, including the removal of fuel subsidies and currency reforms. However, citizens argued that the burden of reform fell too heavily on ordinary people while political elites continued to enjoy privilege.

Uganda: Protest, Arrest, and Long Rule
Uganda has been governed by President Yoweri Museveni for nearly four decades. In July 2024, young Ugandans planned anti corruption protests inspired partly by Kenya’s Gen Z movement.

Authorities detained more than 70 activists, although dozens still marched in Kampala carrying banners such as: “The Corrupt are Messing with a Wrong Generation.”
Police reportedly arrested 104 people during the July anti corruption protests and charged nearly all of them with public order offences.

The repression extended beyond political protest: in November 2024, authorities arrested 15 environmental activists protesting destruction of the Lwera wetland; in February 2025, another 11 environmentalists from Students Against EACOP were arrested near the European Union mission and charged with “common nuisance.” These events show that the African governance crisis is not only about elections or corruption. It is also about the right of citizens to defend land, water, climate, public health, and future generations without being criminalised.

Mozambique: Protest After Disputed Elections
Mozambique became another major example of youth led resistance in 2024. Following disputed elections and deep frustration with poverty, unemployment, and alleged political exclusion, young Mozambicans joined mass protests.

The protests reflected a wider continental pattern: citizens were no longer willing to accept political outcomes without question, especially where poverty remained widespread while ruling elites appeared insulated from hardship. Mozambique’s crisis demonstrates that electoral legitimacy cannot survive where citizens believe that political power is used to protect privilege rather than expand opportunity.dv ,

Tunisia: “Down With Dictatorship”.
Tunisia, the country that helped ignite the 2011 Arab Spring, again saw citizens march under the banner “Down with dictatorship” in 2024. The protests formed part of a broader African wave demanding political accountability, better living standards, and an end to authoritarian control.

Tunisia’s experience is historically important because it proves that public anger can change governments. But it also shows that removing one ruler does not automatically create lasting justice if institutions remain weak, corruption persists, and economic inequality deepens.

The lesson for Africa is clear:
Democratic change must be followed by strong institutions, economic inclusion, judicial independence, and protection of civil liberties.

The Wider African Pattern.
The evidence across Sierra Leone, Kenya, Nigeria, Uganda, Mozambique, and Tunisia points to recurring grievances. Corruption and impunity remain central concerns, because citizens increasingly believe that public officials rarely face consequences for corruption, waste, or poor performance. Cost of living crises are intensified by fuel price increases, inflation, unemployment, debt, and weak social protection, pushing ordinary families into desperation.

Youth exclusion is equally dangerous. Africa is the world’s youngest continent, with about 70 percent of its population under 30, yet many young people feel locked out of power, employment, land ownership, credit, and opportunity. Violent responses to protest have appeared from Freetown to Nairobi, Kampala, and Abuja, where security forces have frequently used tear gas, live ammunition, arrests, and treason or terrorism charges against demonstrators. Weak accountability completes the pattern.

In Sierra Leone, Amnesty International reported that civilian deaths from the August 2022 protests remained uninvestigated more than a year later. These are not isolated incidents; they are symptoms of a governance system that too often prioritises control over compassion.

What Citizens Are Really Saying
Africans are not asking leaders to perform miracles. They are asking for basic dignity.
They want affordable food, fuel, healthcare, and education. They want jobs, apprenticeships, credit, and opportunities for young people. They want transparent management of public money, contracts, mines, forests, fisheries, and oil revenues. They want protection from police brutality and political violence. They want free, fair, credible, and peaceful elections. They want justice for victims of state violence. Above all, they want governments that listen before people are forced into the streets.

A survey of more than 5,600 Africans aged 18 to 25 across 13 countries found that four in five were worried about corruption in government, the private sector, and the police. That is not foreign propaganda; it is the voice of Africa’s own young generation.

Mohamed Kallon:
A National Asset Removed Too Soon
The termination of Mohamed Kallon as head coach of Sierra Leone’s Leone Stars was, in the view of many Sierra Leoneans, not timely. Kallon was appointed by the Sierra Leone Football Association on 12th February 2025 under the “Concept 2027” project, a three year plan intended to rebuild the national team and prepare it for major tournaments, including the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations qualifiers.

Kallon is not an ordinary football figure. Born on 6th October 1979 in Kenema, he became the youngest player ever to represent Sierra Leone when he debuted for the Leone Stars at age 15 in April 1995 against Congo in a 1996 Africa Cup of Nations qualifier in Freetown, scoring the winning goal. He earned 39 caps and scored eight goals for Sierra Leone, making him one of the country’s joint top international goalscorers.

His club career gave Sierra Leone global visibility. Kallon played for leading European clubs, including Inter Milan and AS Monaco, won the 2002 03 Coppa Italia with Inter Milan, and became one of Sierra Leone’s most successful football exports. He also captained the Leone Stars and represented Sierra Leone in World Cup and Africa Cup of Nations qualification campaigns.

Beyond personal success, Kallon invested in national development. He founded FC Kallon, a Sierra Leonean club that won the Sierra Leonean league title in 2006, won the Sierra Leonean FA Cup, and qualified for the African Champions League.

He also established the Kallon Football Academy in Freetown, creating a platform for young players to receive football training alongside education and broader personal development.

His wider social initiatives have included support for vulnerable children through the Mohamed Kallon Children’s Foundation, engagement with the United Nations and other organisations, HIV/AIDS sensitisation, and efforts to create opportunities for Sierra Leonean youth through sport, business, and community investment.

On the field, Kallon’s short national team tenure showed measurable progress. He managed seven matches, recording three wins, two draws, and two defeats. His team defeated Guinea Bissau in a 2026 FIFA World Cup qualifier, and Sierra Leone rose from 120th to 119th in the FIFA World Rankings after the FIFA Series in Azerbaijan.

The SLFA terminated his appointment on 2nd April 2026, only days after Leone Stars lost 9 8 on penalties to Azerbaijan in the 2026 FIFA Series.

The SLFA said the decision followed a review of technical, administrative, and strategic needs; later reporting cited alleged non compliance with press conference obligations, disputes over backroom staff, and other administrative and regulatory concerns.

Even where an institution has legitimate disciplinary reasons, the timing and handling of such decisions matter.

Removing a nationally respected coach after only seven matches while the team was showing improvement, gaining ranking points, and preparing for AFCON qualifiers risked destroying confidence, continuity, and public belief in Sierra Leonean led technical leadership.

Kallon’s case is therefore not simply a football dispute. It is a symbol of a wider African problem: institutions sometimes remove capable, locally rooted builders too quickly, while failing to give them the institutional support, patience, resources, and professional respect needed to succeed.

Other Africans Whose Removal Was Not Timely
Mohamed Kallon is not alone. Across the continent, capable coaches, public officials, and national servants have been removed, forced out, or allowed to resign under circumstances that damaged continuity and public confidence.

In Nigeria, former Super Eagles captain Sunday Oliseh resigned as head coach on 26th February 2016, after about eight months in charge. He cited contract violations, lack of institutional support, and unpaid wages for himself, his assistants, and players; he later said the Nigeria Football Federation still owed him $26,000. Oliseh’s departure was widely seen as a loss of technical continuity at a sensitive moment for Nigerian football, and it exposed the danger of appointing capable leaders without giving them stable contracts, timely payment, and administrative respect.

In South Africa, Ephraim “Shakes” Mashaba was sacked by the South African Football Association on 22nd December 2016 after a disciplinary hearing. He was removed despite Bafana Bafana’s recent 2 1 World Cup qualifying victory over Senegal and their second place position in Group D, creating instability during a qualification campaign. Whatever the disciplinary justification, the removal came at a moment when the national team needed stability, continuity, and a clear long term plan.

In Ghana, James Kwesi Appiah was not retained when the Ghana Football Association dissolved all national team technical teams on 3rd January 2020. Appiah had previously led Ghana to the 2014 FIFA World Cup, yet the sweeping overhaul came shortly after a new GFA administration took office and without a publicly convincing explanation. The decision illustrated how political and administrative transitions can disrupt sporting institutions, even where experienced national servants have delivered measurable results.

In Zambia, French born coach Hervé Renard was released by the Football Association of Zambia on 7th October 2013 to join FC Sochaux. Renard had led Zambia to its historic 2012 Africa Cup of Nations title, but was released only months after Zambia’s disappointing title defence and World Cup qualification exit. His case shows that even a coach who delivered a continental trophy can be separated from a national institution when short term results are allowed to outweigh long term institutional memory.

These examples reveal a damaging continental habit:
Short term reactions often replace long term institution building. A coach, commissioner, director, university administrator, or public sector reformer may be dismissed after one defeat, one disagreement, or one political transition, even when the individual has delivered visible national value.

When Shall Africa Recognise Its Potential?.
Africa’s potential is not a slogan. It is visible in its young population, agricultural land, minerals, oceans, creative industries, technology innovators, athletes, teachers, doctors, entrepreneurs, and diaspora professionals. Yet potential becomes national power only when it is organised through credible institutions, quality education, reliable electricity, modern transport, digital infrastructure, industrial policy, and respect for the rule of law.

Africa must stop treating talent as a threat and start treating it as national capital. A country that humiliates its best coaches, silences its journalists, neglects its teachers, underpays its doctors, criminalises its young protesters, and exports its brightest minds will remain rich in resources but poor in results.

Meaningful Recommendations for Africa
First, build accountable institutions. African governments should establish independent anti-corruption commissions, strengthen audit institutions, publish public contracts and budgets, protect whistleblowers, and ensure that no official is above the law. Accountability must begin with leaders, not only with ordinary citizens.

Second, protect peaceful protest. Security forces should be trained in human rights based crowd management. Tear gas, live ammunition, mass arrests, and treason charges should never be the first response to citizens demanding food, jobs, justice, or credible elections.

Third, invest in youth opportunity. Governments should create national youth employment funds, vocational and technical education, digital skills programmes, agricultural mechanisation, small business credit, and transparent public internships.

Africa’s youth are not a problem to be controlled; they are the continent’s greatest productive force.

Fourth, reform sports and public institutions. Football associations, ministries, universities, and public agencies should adopt clear contracts, transparent performance reviews, fair disciplinary procedures, timely payment of salaries, and succession plans.

Talented Africans such as Mohamed Kallon should be retained, supported, and given enough time to build lasting institutions.

Fifth, promote African economic integration. The African Continental Free Trade Area should be used to expand intra African trade, reduce dependence on external markets, support regional manufacturing, improve transport corridors, and create jobs across borders.

Africa needs production, not only consumption; value addition, not only raw material export.

Sixth, strengthen education and health systems. No African country can develop sustainably while schools lack laboratories, libraries, qualified and well paid teachers, and digital tools, while hospitals lack medicines, equipment, and specialist staff.

Governments should increase budgetary allocation to education, healthcare, clean water, sanitation, and rural development.

Seventh, protect natural resources and the environment. Mining, oil, timber, fisheries, and land agreements should be transparent, environmentally responsible, and beneficial to local communities.

Citizens who defend wetlands, forests, rivers, and climate sensitive land should be treated as partners in national development, not criminals.

Eighth, promote African unity in practical stages. The dream of one African national team and one African military command expresses a powerful desire for unity, peace, and collective strength.

It should be pursued realistically through deeper regional integration: common markets, joint infrastructure, harmonised education standards, regional peacekeeping, shared energy grids, and stronger African Union institutions.

A united Africa will not emerge through slogans alone. It will emerge when African states respect one another’s citizens, trade with one another, resolve conflicts through diplomacy, defend democratic governance, and invest in shared institutions.

A Message to African Leaders.
Leaders must understand this truth: power is temporary, but the suffering of the people is real. A government that ignores hunger today may face anger tomorrow. A state that answers peaceful protest with bullets may gain silence for a moment, but it loses legitimacy for generations.

The people of Sierra Leone, Kenya, Nigeria, Uganda, Mozambique, Tunisia, and every African nation deserve leaders who see governance as service, not domination. They deserve leaders who treat public office as a public trust, not a personal empire.

Africa shall rise when its leaders listen before citizens cry; when institutions protect talent instead of destroying it; when young people find opportunity at home rather than risk at sea; and when Africans finally recognise that their greatest resource is not beneath the soil, but within themselves.