The hard truth is that the office of the Vice President in Malawi has long been a troubled post, marred by persistent ill-treatment, mistrust, and political fallout that often fractures the ruling party and destabilizes governance.
Since Malawi embraced multiparty democracy in 1993, the vice presidency has frequently become a hotbed of tension rather than a symbol of unity and continuity.
This raises a fundamental question: should Malawi’s constitution remove this position altogether, or is the problem deeper than just the office?
The hard truth is that the history of vice presidents falling out with their presidents in Malawi is as old as the democratic dispensation itself.
Take the case of the first democratically elected president, Bakili Muluzi, and his vice president, the late Justin Malewezi.
Malewezi’s ambition for the presidency in later years was met with harsh public condemnation from Muluzi, who famously dismissed Malewezi’s aspirations by saying he would never become president because his “life was on life machine.”
This personal and political disdain set a precedent for vice presidents being seen as threats rather than partners in governance.
The hard truth is that this pattern repeated under President Bingu wa Mutharika, whose relationship with his vice president, Dr. Cassim Chilumpha, deteriorated amid allegations and political sidelining.
Chilumpha was accused of treason and spent time under restrictive conditions, a clear indication of the president’s unwillingness to tolerate a vice president who might challenge his authority or succession plans.
The hard truth is that when Joyce Banda ascended to the presidency after Bingu’s death, she immediately distanced herself from her vice president, Khumbo Kachali.
Their once cooperative relationship fractured as the 2014 elections approached, and they ended up walking separate political paths.
This division weakened their political base and underscored the instability that comes with a fractured executive.
The hard truth is that Peter Mutharika’s presidency also witnessed the familiar vice-presidential rift when he appointed Saulos Chilima as his deputy.
Chilima, initially a loyal ally, eventually split from Mutharika, forming the United Transformation Movement (UTM) and directly opposing his former boss.
This fallout foreshadowed even further turmoil after the 2020 elections when Chilima, as vice president to Lazarus Chakwera, found himself sidelined and ultimately arrested, deprived of delegated duties.
Until his tragic death in a plane crash, Chilima and Chakwera’s relationship remained strained—illustrating the continuation of this unhealthy trend.
The hard truth is that the current reports of the mistreatment of Vice President Dr. Jane Mayemu Ansah under the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government follow an all-too-familiar script.
Allegations of underfunding, withdrawal of security, and public humiliation have been raised by opposition parties such as UTM and UDF, which warn that these actions threaten constitutional order.
The vice president being denied the usual protocol of seeing off the president at the airport is not just a minor breach of etiquette—it is symbolic of the erosion of respect for the office and the constitutional roles it embodies.
The hard truth is that these patterns of hostility stem from a fundamental issue: succession anxiety. Malawian presidents appear to view their vice presidents as rivals rather than successors or partners.
This fear of being succeeded by someone from within their own ranks leads to systematic efforts to marginalize and weaken the vice president’s position.
It is a political culture problem where the vice presidency is seen as a stepping stone for future power grabs rather than a collaborative role in governance.
The hard truth is that calls to scrap the office of the vice president altogether are understandable but misguided.
Removing the position does not resolve the underlying mistrust and political rivalry that plague Malawi’s executive branch.
Instead, it risks creating a constitutional vacuum in leadership succession, potentially leading to greater instability should a sitting president be unable to serve.
The hard truth is that what Malawi needs is not the abolition of the vice presidency but a recalibration of political culture—one that emphasizes respect for constitutional roles and fosters genuine partnerships within the executive.
The vice president should be seen as a vital part of governance and a trusted partner, not a rival to be neutralized.
The hard truth is that the DPP government must tread carefully in its handling of Vice President Ansah’s office.
History shows that attempts to suffocate the vice presidency can backfire politically.
The example of 2012, when Bingu wa Mutharika’s fallout with his vice president and succession plans contributed to political instability, should serve as a cautionary tale.
The DPP risks alienating its constituents and weakening its political standing if it continues down a path of undermining the vice president.
The hard truth is that constitutional violations, real or perceived, in the treatment of the vice president erode public trust in the government and the rule of law.
When institutions and political leaders disregard the constitutional sanctity of the vice presidency, they weaken the democratic foundations of the nation.
The hard truth is that the government’s defense against these reports, claiming that security adjustments and transfers are routine, does not fully address the underlying concerns.
The optics of withdrawing security and sidelining the vice president fuel suspicion and deepen divisions.
Transparency and respect for constitutional mandates are essential in quelling these fears.
The hard truth is that Malawi’s political future depends on nurturing a culture where the vice presidency is respected, not feared.
The office should act as a stabilizing force, a symbol of continuity and democratic resilience, rather than a source of conflict and division.
The hard truth is that the vice presidency in Malawi is not the problem; the problem lies in how political actors treat the office and each other.
Scrapping the position would be a drastic and shortsighted move that ignores the real challenge—building trust, respect, and cooperation at the highest levels of government.
The DPP and all political players must learn from history and embrace the vice presidency as a constitutional pillar rather than a political threat.
Only then can Malawi move forward with a stable and inclusive government that honors its democratic ideals.
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